回复: Nineteen Eighty-Four by George Orwell
# 16
甲酸钾乙酸钇
Mon, 29 Sep 2008 23:35:32 +0000
[size=+2]WINSTON had woken up with his eyes fullof tears. Julia rolled sleepily against him, murmuring something thatmight have been ‘What’s the matter?’
‘I dreamt—’ he began, and stopped short. It was too complex to be putinto words. There was the dream itself, and there was a memoryconnected with it that had swum into his mind in the few seconds afterwaking.
He lay back with his eyes shut, still sodden in the atmosphere of thedream. It was a vast, luminous dream in which his whole life seemed tostretch out before him like a landscape on a summer evening after rain.It had all occurred inside the glass paperweight, but the surface ofthe glass was the dome of the sky, and inside the dome everything wasflooded with clear soft light in which one could see into interminabledistances. The dream had also been comprehended by—indeed, in somesense it had consisted in—a gesture of the arm made by his mother, andmade again thirty years later by the Jewish woman he had seen on thenews film, trying to shelter the small boy from the bullets, before thehelicopter blew them both to pieces.
‘Do you know,’ he said, ‘that until this moment I believed I had murdered my mother?’
‘Why did you murder her?’ said Julia, almost asleep.
‘I didn’t murder her. Not physically.’
In the dream he had remembered his last glimpse of his mother, andwithin a few moments of waking the cluster of small events surroundingit had all come back. It was a memory that he must have deliberatelypushed out of his consciousness over many years. He was not certain ofthe date, but he could not have been less than ten years old, possiblytwelve, when it had happened.
His father had disappeared some time earlier, how much earlier he couldnot remember. He remembered better the rackety, uneasy circumstances ofthe time: the periodical panics about air-raids and the sheltering inTube stations, the piles of rubble everywhere, the unintelligibleproclamations posted at street corners, the gangs of youths in shirtsall the same colour, the enormous queues outside the bakeries, theintermittent machine-gun fire in the distance—above all, the fact thatthere was never enough to eat. He remembered long afternoons spent withother boys in scrounging round dustbins and rubbish heaps, picking outthe ribs of cabbage leaves, potato peelings, sometimes even scraps ofstale breadcrust from which they carefully scraped away the cinders;and also in waiting for the passing of trucks which travelled over acertain route and were known to carry cattle feed, and which, when theyjolted over the bad patches in the road, sometimes spilt a fewfragments of oil-cake.
When his father disappeared, his mother did not show any surprise orany violent grief, but a sudden change came over her. She seemed tohave become completely spiritless. It was evident even to Winston thatshe was waiting for something that she knew must happen. She dideverything that was needed—cooked, washed, mended, made the bed, sweptthe floor, dusted the mantelpiece—always very slowly and with a curiouslack of superfluous motion, like an artist’s lay- figure moving of itsown accord. Her large shapely body seemed to relapse naturally intostillness. For hours at a time she would sit almost immobile on thebed, nursing his young sister, a tiny, ailing, very silent child of twoor three, with a face made simian by thinness. Very occasionally shewould take Winston in her arms and press him against her for a longtime without saying anything. He was aware, in spite of hisyouthfulness and selfishness, that this was somehow connected with thenever-mentioned thing that was about to happen.
He remembered the room where they lived, a dark, closesmelling roomthat seemed half filled by a bed with a white counterpane. There was agas ring in the fender, and a shelf where food was kept, and on thelanding outside there was a brown earthenware sink, common to severalrooms. He remembered his mother’s statuesque body bending over the gasring to stir at something in a saucepan. Above all he remembered hiscontinuous hunger, and the fierce sordid battles at mealtimes. He wouldask his mother naggingly, over and over again, why there was not morefood, he would shout and storm at her (he even remembered the tones ofhis voice, which was beginning to break prematurely and sometimesboomed in a peculiar way), or he would attempt a snivelling note ofpathos in his efforts to get more than his share. His mother was quiteready to give him more than his share. She took it for granted that he,‘the boy’, should have the biggest portion; but however much she gavehim he invariably demanded more. At every meal she would beseech himnot to be selfish and to remember that his little sister was sick andalso needed food, but it was no use. He would cry out with rage whenshe stopped ladling, he would try to wrench the saucepan and spoon outof her hands, he would grab bits from his sister’s plate. He knew thathe was starving the other two, but he could not help it; he even feltthat he had a right to do it. The clamorous hunger in his belly seemedto justify him. Between meals, if his mother did not stand guard, hewas constantly pilfering at the wretched store of food on the shelf.
One day a chocolate-ration was issued. There had been no such issue forweeks or months past. He remembered quite clearly that precious littlemorsel of chocolate. It was a two-ounce slab (they still talked aboutounces in those days) between the three of them. It was obvious that itought to be divided into three equal parts. Suddenly, as though he werelistening to somebody else, Winston heard himself demanding in a loudbooming voice that he should be given the whole piece. His mother toldhim not to be greedy. There was a long, nagging argument that wentround and round, with shouts, whines, tears, remonstrances,bargainings. His tiny sister, clinging to her mother with both hands,exactly like a baby monkey, sat looking over her shoulder at him withlarge, mournful eyes. In the end his mother broke off three-quarters ofthe chocolate and gave it to Winston, giving the other quarter to hissister. The little girl took hold of it and looked at it dully, perhapsnot knowing what it was. Winston stood watching her for a moment. Thenwith a sudden swift spring he had snatched the piece of chocolate outof his sister’s hand and was fleeing for the door.
‘Winston, Winston!’ his mother called after him. ‘Come back! Give your sister back her chocolate!’
He stopped, but did not come back. His mother’s anxious eyes were fixedon his face. Even now he was thinking about the thing, he did not knowwhat it was that was on the point of happening. His sister, consciousof having been robbed of something, had set up a feeble wail. Hismother drew her arm round the child and pressed its face against herbreast. Something in the gesture told him that his sister was dying. Heturned and fled down the stairs. with the chocolate growing sticky inhis hand.
He never saw his mother again. After he had devoured the chocolate hefelt somewhat ashamed of himself and hung about in the streets forseveral hours, until hunger drove him home. When he came back hismother had disappeared. This was already becoming normal at that time.Nothing was gone from the room except his mother and his sister. Theyhad not taken any clothes, not even his mother’s overcoat. To this dayhe did not know with any certainty that his mother was dead. It wasperfectly possible that she had merely been sent to a forced-labourcamp. As for his sister, she might have been removed, like Winstonhimself, to one of the colonies for homeless children (ReclamationCentres, they were called) which had grown up as a result of the civilwar, or she might have been sent to the labour camp along with hismother, or simply left somewhere or other to die.
The dream was still vivid in his mind, especially the envelopingprotecting gesture of the arm in which its whole meaning seemed to becontained. His mind went back to another dream of two months ago.Exactly as his mother had sat on the dingy whitequilted bed, with thechild clinging to her, so she had sat in the sunken ship, farunderneath him, and drowning deeper every minute, but still looking upat him through the darkening water.
He told Julia the story of his mother’s disappearance. Without openingher eyes she rolled over and settled herself into a more comfortableposition.
‘I expect you were a beastly little swine in those days,’ she said indistinctly. ‘All children are swine.’
‘Yes. But the real point of the story—’
From her breathing it was evident that she was going off to sleepagain. He would have liked to continue talking about his mother. He didnot suppose, from what he could remember of her, that she had been anunusual woman, still less an intelligent one; and yet she had possesseda kind of nobility, a kind of purity, simply because the standards thatshe obeyed were private ones. Her feelings were her own, and could notbe altered from outside. It would not have occurred to her that anaction which is ineffectual thereby becomes meaningless. If you lovedsomeone, you loved him, and when you had nothing else to give, youstill gave him love. When the last of the chocolate was gone, hismother had clasped the child in her arms. It was no use, it changednothing, it did not produce more chocolate, it did not avert thechild’s death or her own; but it seemed natural to her to do it. Therefugee woman in the boat had also covered the little boy with her arm,which was no more use against the bullets than a sheet of paper. Theterrible thing that the Party had done was to persuade you that mereimpulses, mere feelings, were of no account, while at the same timerobbing you of all power over the material world. When once you were inthe grip of the Party, what you felt or did not feel, what you did orrefrained from doing, made literally no difference. Whatever happenedyou vanished, and neither you nor your actions were ever heard ofagain. You were lifted clean out of the stream of history. And yet tothe people of only two generations ago this would not have seemedall-important, because they were not attempting to alter history. Theywere governed by private loyalties which they did not question. Whatmattered were individual relationships, and a completely helplessgesture, an embrace, a tear, a word spoken to a dying man, could havevalue in itself. The proles, it suddenly occurred to him, had remainedin this condition. They were not loyal to a party or a country or anidea, they were loyal to one another. For the first time in his life hedid not despise the proles or think of them merely as an inert forcewhich would one day spring to life and regenerate the world. The proleshad stayed human. They had not become hardened inside. They had held onto the primitive emotions which he himself had to re-learn by consciouseffort. And in thinking this he remembered, without apparent relevance,how a few weeks ago he had seen a severed hand lying on the pavementand had kicked it into the gutter as though it had been acabbage-stalk.
‘The proles are human beings,’ he said aloud. ‘We are not human.’
‘Why not?’ said Julia, who had woken up again.
He thought for a little while. ‘Has it ever occurred to you. he said,‘that the best thing for us to do would be simply to walk out of herebefore it’s too late, and never see each other again?’
‘Yes, dear, it has occurred to me, several times. But I’m not going to do it, all the same.’
‘We’ve been lucky,’ he said ‘but it can’t last much longer. You’reyoung. You look normal and innocent. If you keep clear of people likeme, you might stay alive for another fifty years.’
‘No. I’ve thought it all out. What you do, I’m going to do. And don’t be too downhearted. I’m rather good at staying alive.’
‘We may be together for another six months—a year—there’s no knowing.At the end we’re certain to be apart. Do you realize how utterly alonewe shall be? When once they get hold of us there will be nothing,literally nothing, that either of us can do for the other. If Iconfess, they’ll shoot you, and if I refuse to confess, they’ll shootyou just the same. Nothing that I can do or say, or stop myself fromsaying, will put off your death for as much as five minutes. Neither ofus will even know whether the other is alive or dead. We shall beutterly without power of any kind. The one thing that matters is thatwe shouldn’t betray one another, although even that can’t make theslightest difference.’
‘If you mean confessing,’ she said, ‘we shall do that, right enough.Everybody always confesses. You can’t help it. They torture you.’
‘I don’t mean confessing. Confession is not betrayal. What you say ordo doesn’t matter: only feelings matter. If they could make me stoploving you—that would be the real betrayal.’
She thought it over. ‘They can’t do that,’ she said finally. ‘It’s the one thing they can’t do. They can make you say anything—anything—but they can’t make you believe it. They can’t get inside you.’
‘No,’ he said a little more hopefully, ‘no; that’s quite true. They can’t get inside you. If you can feel that staying human is worth while, even when it can’t have any result whatever, you’ve beaten them.’
He thought of the telescreen with its never-sleeping ear. They couldspy upon you night and day, but if you kept your head you could stilloutwit them. With all their cleverness they had never mastered thesecret of finding out what another human being was thinking. Perhapsthat was less true when you were actually in their hands. One did notknow what happened inside the Ministry of Love, but it was possible toguess: tortures, drugs, delicate instruments that registered yournervous reactions, gradual wearing-down by sleeplessness and solitudeand persistent questioning. Facts, at any rate, could not be kepthidden. They could be tracked down by enquiry, they could be squeezedout of you by torture. But if the object was not to stay alive but tostay human, what difference did it ultimately make? They could notalter your feelings: for that matter you could not alter them yourself,even if you wanted to. They could lay bare in the utmost detaileverything that you had done or said or thought; but the inner heart,whose workings were mysterious even to yourself, remained impregnable.
# 17
甲酸钾乙酸钇
Mon, 29 Sep 2008 23:36:01 +0000
[size=+2]THEY had done it, they had done it at last!
The room they were standing in was long-shaped and softly lit. Thetelescreen was dimmed to a low murmur; the richness of the dark-bluecarpet gave one the impression of treading on velvet. At the far end ofthe room O’Brien was sitting at a table under a green-shaded lamp, witha mass of papers on either side of him. He had not bothered to look upwhen the servant showed Julia and Winston in.
Winston’s heart was thumping so hard that he doubted whether he wouldbe able to speak. They had done it, they had done it at last, was allhe could think. It had been a rash act to come here at all, and sheerfolly to arrive together; though it was true that they had come bydifferent routes and only met on O’Brien’s doorstep. But merely to walkinto such a place needed an effort of the nerve. It was only on veryrare occasions that one saw inside the dwelling-places of the InnerParty, or even penetrated into the quarter of the town where theylived. The whole atmosphere of the huge block of flats, the richnessand spaciousness of everything, the unfamiliar smells of good food andgood tobacco, the silent and incredibly rapid lifts sliding up anddown, the white-jacketed servants hurrying to and fro—everything wasintimidating. Although he had a good pretext for coming here, he washaunted at every step by the fear that a black-uniformed guard wouldsuddenly appear from round the corner, demand his papers, and order himto get out. O’Brien’s servant, however, had admitted the two of themwithout demur. He was a small, dark-haired man in a white jacket, witha diamond-shaped, completely expressionless face which might have beenthat of a Chinese. The passage down which he led them was softlycarpeted, with cream-papered walls and white wainscoting, allexquisitely clean. That too was intimidating. Winston could notremember ever to have seen a passageway whose walls were not grimy fromthe contact of human bodies.
O’Brien had a slip of paper between his fingers and seemed to bestudying it intently. His heavy face, bent down so that one could seethe line of the nose, looked both formidable and intelligent. Forperhaps twenty seconds he sat without stirring. Then he pulled thespeakwrite towards him and rapped out a message in the hybrid jargon ofthe Ministries:
He rose deliberately from his chair and came towards them across thesoundless carpet. A little of the official atmosphere seemed to havefallen away from him with the Newspeak words, but his expression wasgrimmer than usual, as though he were not pleased at being disturbed.The terror that Winston already felt was suddenly shot through by astreak of ordinary embarrassment. It seemed to him quite possible thathe had simply made a stupid mistake. For what evidence had he inreality that O’Brien was any kind of political conspirator? Nothing buta flash of the eyes and a single equivocal remark: beyond that, onlyhis own secret imaginings, founded on a dream. He could not even fallback on the pretence that he had come to borrow the dictionary, becausein that case Julia’s presence was impossible to explain. As O’Brienpassed the telescreen a thought seemed to strike him. He stopped,turned aside and pressed a switch on the wall. There was a sharp snap.The voice had stopped.
Julia uttered a tiny sound, a sort of squeak of surprise. Even in themidst of his panic, Winston was too much taken aback to be able to holdhis tongue.
‘You can turn it off!’ he said.
‘Yes,’ said O’Brien, ‘we can turn it off. We have that privilege.’
He was opposite them now. His solid form towered over the pair of them,and the expression on his face was still indecipherable. He waswaiting, somewhat sternly, for Winston to speak, but about what? Evennow it was quite conceivabIe that he was simply a busy man wonderingirritably why he had been interrupted. Nobody spoke. After the stoppingof the telescreen the room seemed deadly silent. The seconds marchedpast, enormous. With difficulty Winston continued to keep his eyesfixed on O’Brien’s. Then suddenly the grim face broke down into whatmight have been the beginnings of a smile. With his characteristicgesture O’Brien resettled his spectacles on his nose.
‘Shall I say it, or will you?’ he said.
‘I will say it,’ said Winston promptly. ‘That thing is really turned off?’
‘Yes, everything is turned off. We are alone.’
‘We have come here because—’
He paused, realizing for the first time the vagueness of his ownmotives. Since he did not in fact know what kind of help he expectedfrom O’Brien, it was not easy to say why he had come here. He went on,conscious that what he was saying must sound both feeble andpretentious:
‘We believe that there is some kind of conspiracy, some kind of secretorganization working against the Party, and that you are involved init. We want to join it and work for it. We are enemies of the Party. Wedisbelieve in the principles of Ingsoc. We are thought-criminals. Weare also adulterers. I tell you this because we want to put ourselvesat your mercy. If you want us to incriminate ourselves in any otherway, we are ready.’
He stopped and glanced over his shoulder, with the feeling that thedoor had opened. Sure enough, the little yellow-faced servant had comein without knocking. Winston saw that he was carrying a tray with adecanter and glasses.
‘Martin is one of us,’ said O’Brien impassively. ‘Bring the drinks overhere, Martin. Put them on the round table. Have we enough chairs? Thenwe may as well sit down and talk in comfort. Bring a chair foryourself, Martin. This is business. You can stop being a servant forthe next ten minutes.’
The little man sat down, quite at his ease, and yet still with aservant-like air, the air of a valet enjoying a privilege. Winstonregarded him out of the corner of his eye. It struck him that the man’swhole life was playing a part, and that he felt it to be dangerous todrop his assumed personality even for a moment. O’Brien took thedecanter by the neck and filled up the glasses with a dark-red liquid.It aroused in Winston dim memories of something seen long ago on a wallor a hoarding—a vast bottle composed of electric lights which seemed tomove up and down and pour its contents into a glass. Seen from the topthe stuff looked almost black, but in the decanter it gleamed like aruby. It had a sour-sweet smell. He saw Julia pick up her glass andsniff at it with frank curiosity.
‘It is called wine,’ said O’Brien with a faint smile. ‘You will haveread about it in books, no doubt. Not much of it gets to the OuterParty, I am afraid.’ His face grew solemn again, and he raised hisglass: ‘I think it is fitting that we should begin by drinking ahealth. To our Leader: To Emmanuel Goldstein.’
Winston took up his glass with a certain eagerness. Wine was a thing hehad read and dreamed about. Like the glass paperweight or MrCharrington’s half-remembered rhymes, it belonged to the vanished,romantic past, the olden time as he liked to call it in his secretthoughts. For some reason he had always thought of wine as having anintensely sweet taste, like that of blackberry jam and an immediateintoxicating effect. Actually, when he came to swallow it, the stuffwas distinctly disappointing. The truth was that after years ofgin-drinking he could barely taste it. He set down the empty glass.
‘Then there is such a person as Goldstein?’ he said.
‘Yes, there is such a person, and he is alive. Where, I do not know.’
‘And the conspiracy—the organization? Is it real? It is not simply an invention of the Thought Police?’
‘No, it is real. The Brotherhood, we call it. You will never learn muchmore about the Brotherhood than that it exists and that you belong toit. I will come back to that presently.’ He looked at his wrist-watch.‘It is unwise even for members of the Inner Party to turn off thetelescreen for more than half an hour. You ought not to have come heretogether, and you will have to leave separately. You, comrade’—he bowedhis head to Julia—‘will leave first. We have about twenty minutes atour disposal. You will understand that I must start by asking youcertain questions. In general terms, what are you prepared to do?’
‘Anything that we are capable of,’ said Winston.
O’Brien had turned himself a little in his chair so that he was facingWinston. He almost ignored Julia, seeming to take it for granted thatWinston could speak for her. For a moment the lids flitted down overhis eyes. He began asking his questions in a low, expressionless voice,as though this were a routine, a sort of catechism, most of whoseanswers were known to him already.
‘You are prepared to give your lives?’
‘Yes.’
‘You are prepared to commit murder?’
‘Yes.’
‘To commit acts of sabotage which may cause the death of hundreds of innocent people?’
‘Yes.’
‘To betray your country to foreign powers?’
‘Yes.’
‘You are prepared to cheat, to forge, to blackmail, to corrupt theminds of children, to distribute habit-forming drugs, to encourageprostitution, to disseminate venereal diseases — to do anything whichis likely to cause demoralization and weaken the power of the Party?’
‘Yes.’
‘If, for example, it would somehow serve our interests to throw sulphuric acid in a child’s face—are you prepared to do that?’
‘Yes.’
‘You are prepared to lose your identity and live out the rest of your life as a waiter or a dock-worker?’
‘Yes.’
‘You are prepared to commit suicide, if and when we order you to do so?’
‘Yes.’
‘You are prepared, the two of you, to separate and never see one another again?’
‘No!’ broke in Julia.
It appeared to Winston that a long time passed before he answered. Fora moment he seemed even to have been deprived of the power of speech.His tongue worked soundlessly, forming the opening syllables first ofone word, then of the other, over and over again. Until he had said it,he did not know which word he was going to say. ‘No,’ he said finally.
‘You did well to tell me,’ said O’Brien. ‘It is necessary for us to know everything.’
He turned himself toward Julia and added in a voice with somewhat more expression in it:
‘Do you understand that even if he survives, it may be as a differentperson? We may be obliged to give him a new identity. His face, hismovements, the shape of his hands, the colour of his hair—even hisvoice would be different. And you yourself might have become adifferent person. Our surgeons can alter people beyond recognition.Sometimes it is necessary. Sometimes we even amputate a limb.’
Winston could not help snatching another sidelong glance at Martin’sMongolian face. There were no scars that he could see. Julia had turneda shade paler, so that her freckles were showing, but she faced O’Brienboldly. She murmured something that seemed to be assent.
‘Good. Then that is settled.’
There was a silver box of cigarettes on the table. With a ratherabsent-minded air O’Brien pushed them towards the others, took onehimself, then stood up and began to pace slowly to and fro, as thoughhe could think better standing. They were very good cigarettes, verythick and well-packed, with an unfamiliar silkiness in the paper.O’Brien looked at his wrist-watch again.
‘You had better go back to your Pantry, Martin,’ he said. ‘I shallswitch on in a quarter of an hour. Take a good look at these comrades’faces before you go. You will be seeing them again. I may not.
Exactly as they had done at the front door, the little man’s dark eyesflickered over their faces. There was not a trace of friendliness inhis manner. He was memorizing their appearance, but he felt no interestin them, or appeared to feel none. It occurred to Winston that asynthetic face was perhaps incapable of changing its expression.Without speaking or giving any kind of salutation, Martin went out,closing the door silently behind him. O’Brien was strolling up anddown, one hand in the pocket of his black overalls, the other holdinghis cigarette.
‘You understand,’ he said, ‘that you will be fighting in the dark. Youwill always be in the dark. You will receive orders and you will obeythem, without knowing why. Later I shall send you a book from which youwill learn the true nature of the society we live in, and the strategyby which we shall destroy it. When you have read the book, you will befull members of the Brotherhood. But between the general aims that weare fighting for and the immedi ate tasks of the moment, you will neverknow anything. I tell you that the Brotherhood exists, but I cannottell you whether it numbers a hundred members, or ten million. Fromyour personal knowledge you will never be able to say that it numberseven as many as a dozen. You will have three or four contacts, who willbe renewed from time to time as they disappear. As this was your firstcontact, it will be preserved. When you receive orders, they will comefrom me. If we find it necessary to communicate with you, it will bethrough Martin. When you are finally caught, you will confess. That isunavoidable. But you will have very little to confess, other than yourown actions. You will not be able to betray more than a handful ofunimportant people. Probably you will not even betray me. By that timeI may be dead, or I shall have become a different person, with adifferent face.’
He continued to move to and fro over the soft carpet. In spite of thebulkiness of his body there was a remarkable grace in his movements. Itcame out even in the gesture with which he thrust a hand into hispocket, or manipulated a cigarette. More even than of strength, he gavean impression of confidence and of an understanding tinged by irony.However much in earnest he might be, he had nothing of thesingle-mindedness that belongs to a fanatic. When he spoke of murder,suicide, venereal disease, amputated limbs, and altered faces, it waswith a faint air of persiflage. ‘This is unavoidable,’ his voice seemedto say; ‘this is what we have got to do, unflinchingly. But this is notwhat we shall be doing when life is worth living again.’ A wave ofadmiration, almost of worship, flowed out from Winston towards O’Brien.For the moment he had forgotten the shadowy figure of Goldstein. Whenyou looked at O’Brien’s powerful shoulders and his blunt-featured face,so ugly and yet so civilized, it was impossible to believe that hecould be defeated. There was no stratagem that he was not equal to, nodanger that he could not foresee. Even Julia seemed to be impressed.She had let her cigarette go out and was listening intently. O’Brienwent on:
‘You will have heard rumours of the existence of the Brotherhood. Nodoubt you have formed your own picture of it. You have imagined,probably, a huge underworld of conspirators, meeting secretly incellars, scribbling messages on walls, recognizing one another bycodewords or by special movements of the hand. Nothing of the kindexists. The members of the Brotherhood have no way of recognizing oneanother, and it is impossible for any one member to be aware of theidentity of more than a few others. Goldstein himself, if he fell intothe hands of the Thought Police, could not give them a complete list ofmembers, or any information that would lead them to a complete list. Nosuch list exists. The Brotherhood cannot be wiped out because it is notan organization in the ordinary sense. Nothing holds it together exceptan idea which is indestructible. You will never have anything tosustain you, except the idea. You will get no comradeship and noencouragement. When finally you are caught, you will get no help. Wenever help our members. At most, when it is absolutely necessary thatsomeone should be silenced, we are occasionally able to smuggle a razorblade into a prisoner’s cell. You will have to get used to livingwithout results and without hope. You will work for a while, you willbe caught, you will confess, and then you will die. Those are the onlyresults that you will ever see. There is no possibility that anyperceptible change will happen within our own lifetime. We are thedead. Our only true life is in the future. We shall take part in it ashandfuls of dust and splinters of bone. But how far away that futuremay be, there is no knowing. It might be a thousand years. At presentnothing is possible except to extend the area of sanity little bylittle. We cannot act collectively. We can only spread our knowledgeoutwards from individual to individual, generation after generation. Inthe face of the Thought Police there is no other way.’
He halted and looked for the third time at his wrist- watch.
‘It is almost time for you to leave, comrade,’ he said to Julia. ‘Wait. The decanter is still half full.’
He filled the glasses and raised his own glass by the stem.
‘What shall it be this time?’ he said, still with the same faintsuggestion of irony. ‘To the confusion of the Thought Police? To thedeath of Big Brother? To humanity? To the future?’
‘To the past,’ said Winston.
‘The past is more important,’ agreed O’Brien gravely.
They emptied their glasses, and a moment later Julia stood up to go.O’Brien took a small box from the top of a cabinet and handed her aflat white tablet which he told her to place on her tongue. It wasimportant, he said, not to go out smelling of wine: the lift attendantswere very observant. As soon as the door had shut behind her heappeared to forget her existence. He took another pace or two up anddown, then stopped.
‘There are details to be settled,’ he said. ‘I assume that you have a hiding-place of some kind?’
Winston explained about the room over Mr Charrington’s shop.
‘That will do for the moment. Later we will arrange something else foryou. It is important to change one’s hiding-place frequently. MeanwhileI shall send you a copy of the book’—evenO’Brien, Winston noticed, seemed to pronounce the words as though theywere in italics—‘Goldstein’s book, you understand, as soon as possible.It may be some days before I can get hold of one. There are not many inexistence, as you can imagine. The Thought Police hunt them down anddestroy them almost as fast as we can produce them. It makes verylittle difference. The book is indestructible. If the last copy weregone, we could reproduce it almost word for word. Do you carry abrief-case to work with you?’ he added.
‘As a rule, yes.’
‘What is it like?’
‘Black, very shabby. With two straps.’
‘Black, two straps, very shabby—good. One day in the fairly nearfuture—I cannot give a date—one of the messages among your morning’swork will contain a misprinted word, and you will have to ask for arepeat. On the following day you will go to work without yourbrief-case. At some time during the day, in the street, a man willtouch you on the arm and say “I think you have dropped yourbrief-case.” The one he gives you will contain a copy of Goldstein’sbook. You will return it within fourteen days.’
They were silent for a moment.
‘There are a couple of minutes before you need go,’ said O’Brien. ‘We shall meet again—if we do meet again——’
Winston looked up at him. ‘In the place where there is no darkness?’ he said hesitantly.
O’Brien nodded without appearance of surprise. ‘In the place wherethere is no darkness,’ he said, as though he had recognized theallusion. ‘And in the meantime, is there anything that you wish to saybefore you leave? Any message? Any question?.’
Winston thought. There did not seem to be any further question that hewanted to ask: still less did he feel any impulse to utterhigh-sounding generalities. Instead of anything directly connected withO’Brien or the Brotherhood, there came into his mind a sort ofcomposite picture of the dark bedroom where his mother had spent herlast days, and the little room over Mr Charrington’s shop, and theglass paperweight, and the steel engraving in its rosewood frame.Almost at random he said:
‘Did you ever happen to hear an old rhyme that begins “‘Oranges and lemons’, say the bells of St Clement’s”?’
Again O’Brien nodded. With a sort of grave courtesy he completed the stanza:
‘You knew the last line!’ said Winston.
‘Yes, I knew the last line. And now, I am afraid, it is time for you togo. But wait. You had better let me give you one of these tablets.’
As Winston stood up O’Brien held out a hand. His powerful grip crushedthe bones of Winston’s palm. At the door Winston looked back, butO’Brien seemed already to be in process of putting him out of mind. Hewas waiting with his hand on the switch that controlled the telescreen.Beyond him Winston could see the writing-table with its green- shadedlamp and the speakwrite and the wire baskets deep- laden with papers.The incident was closed. Within thirty seconds, it occurred to him,O’Brien would be back at his interrupted and important work on behalfof the Party.
# 18
甲酸钾乙酸钇
Mon, 29 Sep 2008 23:36:56 +0000
[size=+2]WINSTON was gelatinous with fatigue.Gelatinous was the right word. It had come into his head spontaneously.His body seemed to have not only the weakness of a jelly, but itstranslucency. He felt that if he held up his hand he would be able tosee the light through it. All the blood and lymph had been drained outof him by an enormous debauch of work, leaving only a frail structureof nerves, bones, and skin. All sensations seemed to be magnified. Hisoveralls fretted his shoulders, the pavement tickled his feet, even theopening and closing of a hand was an effort that made his joints creak.
He had worked more than ninety hours in five days. So had everyone elsein the Ministry. Now it was all over, and he had literally nothing todo, no Party work of any description, until tomorrow morning. He couldspend six hours in the hiding-place and another nine in his own bed.Slowly, in mild afternoon sunshine, he walked up a dingy street in thedirection of Mr Charrington’s shop, keeping one eye open for thepatrols, but irrationally convinced that this afternoon there was nodanger of anyone interfering with him. The heavy brief-case that he wascarrying bumped against his knee at each step, sending a tinglingsensation up and down the skin of his leg. Inside it was the book, which he had now had in his possession for six days and had not yet opened, nor even looked at.
On the sixth day of Hate Week, after the processions, the speeches, theshouting, the singing, the banners, the posters, the films, thewaxworks, the rolling of drums and squealing of trumpets, the tramp ofmarching feet, the grinding of the caterpillars of tanks, the roar ofmassed planes, the booming of guns—after six days of this, when thegreat orgasm was quivering to its climax and the general hatred ofEurasia had boiled up into such delirium that if the crowd could havegot their hands on the 2,000 Eurasian war-criminals who were to bepublicly hanged on the last day of the proceedings, they wouldunquestionably have torn them to pieces—at just this moment it had beenannounced that Oceania was not after all at war with Eurasia. Oceaniawas at war with Eastasia. Eurasia was an ally.
There was, of course, no admission that any change had taken place.Merely it became known, with extreme suddenness and everywhere at once,that Eastasia and not Eurasia was the enemy. Winston was taking part ina demonstration in one of the central London squares at the moment whenit happened. It was night, and the white faces and the scarlet bannerswere luridly floodlit. The square was packed with several thousandpeople, including a block of about a thousand schoolchildren in theuniform of the Spies. On a scarlet-draped platform an orator of theInner Party, a small lean man with disproportionately long arms and alarge bald skull over which a few lank locks straggled, was haranguingthe crowd. A little Rumpelstiltskin figure, contorted with hatred, hegripped the neck of the microphone with one hand while the other,enormous at the end of a bony arm, clawed the air menacingly above hishead. His voice, made metallic by the amplifiers, boomed forth anendless catalogue of atrocities, massacres, deportations, lootings,rapings, torture of prisoners, bombing of civilians, lying propaganda,unjust aggressions, broken treaties. It was almost impossible to listento him without being first convinced and then maddened. At every fewmoments the fury of the crowd boiled over and the voice of the speakerwas drowned by a wild beast-like roaring that rose uncontrollably fromthousands of throats. The most savage yells of all came from theschoolchildren. The speech had been proceeding for perhaps twentyminutes when a messenger hurried on to the platform and a scrap ofpaper was slipped into the speaker’s hand. He unrolled and read itwithout pausing in his speech. Nothing altered in his voice or manner,or in the content of what he was saying, but suddenly the names weredifferent. Without words said, a wave of understanding rippled throughthe crowd. Oceania was at war with Eastasia! The next moment there wasa tremendous commotion. The banners and posters with which the squarewas decorated were all wrong! Quite half of them had the wrong faces onthem. It was sabotage! The agents of Goldstein had been at work! Therewas a riotous interlude while posters were ripped from the walls,banners torn to shreds and trampled underfoot. The Spies performedprodigies of activity in clambering over the rooftops and cutting thestreamers that fluttered from the chimneys. But within two or threeminutes it was all over. The orator, still gripping the neck of themicrophone, his shoulders hunched forward, his free hand clawing at theair, had gone straight on with his speech. One minute more, and theferal roars of rage were again bursting from the crowd. The Hatecontinued exactly as before, except that the target had been changed.
The thing that impressed Winston in looking back was that the speakerhad switched from one line to the other actually in midsentence, notonly without a pause, but without even breaking the syntax. But at themoment he had other things to preoccupy him. It was during the momentof disorder while the posters were being torn down that a man whoseface he did not see had tapped him on the shoulder and said, ‘Excuseme, I think you’ve dropped your brief-case.’ He took the brief-caseabstractedly, without speaking. He knew that it would be days before hehad an opportunity to look inside it. The instant that thedemonstration was over he went straight to the Ministry of Truth,though the time was now nearly twenty-three hours. The entire staff ofthe Ministry had done likewise. The orders already issuing from thetelescreen, recalling them to their posts, were hardly necessary.
Oceania was at war with Eastasia: Oceania had always been at war withEastasia. A large part of the political literature of five years wasnow completely obsolete. Reports and records of all kinds, newspapers,books, pamphlets, films, sound-tracks, photographs—all had to berectified at lightning speed. Although no directive was ever issued, itwas known that the chiefs of the Department intended that within oneweek no reference to the war with Eurasia, or the alliance withEastasia, should remain in existence anywhere. The work wasoverwhelming, all the more so because the processes that it involvedcould not be called by their true names. Everyone in the RecordsDepartment worked eighteen hours in the twenty-four, with twothree-hour snatches of sleep. Mattresses were brought up from thecellars and pitched all over the corridors: meals consisted ofsandwiches and Victory Coffee wheeled round on trolleys by attendantsfrom the canteen. Each time that Winston broke off for one of hisspells of sleep he tried to leave his desk clear of work, and each timethat he crawled back sticky-eyed and aching, it was to find thatanother shower of paper cylinders had covered the desk like asnowdrift, halfburying the speakwrite and overflowing on to the floor,so that the first job was always to stack them into a neat enough pileto give him room to work. What was worst of all was that the work wasby no means purely mechanical. Often it was enough merely to substituteone name for another, but any detailed report of events demanded careand imagination. Even the geographical knowledge that one needed intransferring the war from one part of the world to another wasconsiderable.
By the third day his eyes ached unbearably and his spectacles neededwiping every few minutes. It was like struggling with some crushingphysical task, something which one had the right to refuse and whichone was nevertheless neurotically anxious to accomplish. In so far ashe had time to remember it, he was not troubled by the fact that everyword he murmured into the speakwrite, every stroke of his ink-pencil,was a deliberate lie. He was as anxious as anyone else in theDepartment that the forgery should be perfect. On the morning of thesixth day the dribble of cylinders slowed down. For as much as half anhour nothing came out of the tube; then one more cylinder, thennothing. Everywhere at about the same time the work was easing off. Adeep and as it were secret sigh went through the Department. A mightydeed, which could never be mentioned, had been achieved. It was nowimpossible for any human being to prove by documentary evidence thatthe war with Eurasia had ever happened. At twelve hundred it wasunexpectedly announced that all workers in the Ministry were free tilltomorrow morning. Winston, still carrying the brief-case containing thebook, which had remained between his feet while he worked and under hisbody while he slept, went home, shaved himself, and almost fell asleepin his bath, although the water was barely more than tepid.
With a sort of voluptuous creaking in his joints he climbed the stairabove Mr Charrington’s shop. He was tired, but not sleepy any longer.He opened the window, lit the dirty little oilstove and put on a pan ofwater for coffee. Julia would arrive presently: meanwhile there was thebook. He sat down in the sluttish armchair and undid the straps of thebrief-case.
A heavy black volume, amateurishly bound, with no name or title on thecover. The print also looked slightly irregular. The pages were worn atthe edges, and fell apart, easily, as though the book had passedthrough many hands. The inscription on the title-page ran:
THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF
OLIGARCHICAL COLLECTIVISM
by
Emmanuel Goldstein
Winston began reading:
Chapter IIgnorance is Strength
Throughout recorded time, and probably since the end of the NeolithicAge, there have been three kinds of people in the world, the High, theMiddle, and the Low. They have been subdivided in many ways, they haveborne countless different names, and their relative numbers, as well astheir attitude towards one another, have varied from age to age: butthe essential structure of society has never altered. Even afterenormous upheavals and seemingly irrevocable changes, the same patternhas always reasserted itself, just as a gyroscope will always return toequilibrium, however far it is pushed one way or the other. The aims of these groups are entirely irreconcilable. . .
Winston stopped reading, chiefly in order to appreciate the fact that he wasreading, in comfort and safety. He was alone: no telescreen, no ear atthe keyhole, no nervous impulse to glance over his shoulder or coverthe page with his hand. The sweet summer air played against his cheek.From somewhere far away there floated the faint shouts of children: inthe room itself there was no sound except the insect voice of theclock. He settled deeper into the arm-chair and put his feet up on thefender. It was bliss, it was etemity. Suddenly, as one sometimes doeswith a book of which one knows that one will ultimately read andre-read every word, he opened it at a different place and found himselfat Chapter III. He went on reading:
Chapter III War is Peace
The splitting up of the world into three great super-states was anevent which could be and indeed was foreseen before the middle of thetwentieth century. With the absorption of Europe by Russia and of theBritish Empire by the United States, two of the three existing powers,Eurasia and Oceania, were already effectively in being. The third,Eastasia, only emerged as a distinct unit after another decade ofconfused fighting. The frontiers between the three super-states are insome places arbitrary, and in others they fluctuate according to thefortunes of war, but in general they follow geographical lines. Eurasiacomprises the whole of the northern part of the European and Asiaticland-mass, from Portugal to the Bering Strait. Oceania comprises theAmericas, the Atlantic islands including the British Isles,Australasia, and the southern portion of Africa. Eastasia, smaller thanthe others and with a less definite western frontier, comprises Chinaand the countries to the south of it, the Japanese islands and a largebut fluctuating portion of Manchuria, Mongolia, and Tibet. In one combination or another, these three super-states are permanentlyat war, and have been so for the past twenty-five years. War, however,is no longer the desperate, annihilating struggle that it was in theearly decades of the twentieth centary. It is a warfare of limited aimsbetween combatants who are unable to destroy one another, have nomaterial cause for fighting and are not divided by any genuineideological difference. This is not to say that either the conduct ofwar, or the prevailing attitude towards it, has become lessbloodthirsty or more chivalrous. On the contrary, war hysteria iscontinuous and universal in all countries, and such acts as raping,looting, the slaughter of children, the reduction of whole populationsto slavery, and reprisals against prisoners which extend even toboiling and burying alive, are looked upon as normal, and, when theyare committed by one’s own side and not by the enemy, meritorious. Butin a physical sense war involves very small numbers of people, mostlyhighly-trained specialists, and causes comparatively few casualties.The fighting, when there is any, takes place on the vague frontierswhose whereabouts the average man can only guess at, or round theFloating Fortresses which guard strategic spots on the sea lanes. Inthe centres of civilization war means no more than a continuousshortage of consumption goods, and the occasional crash of a rocketbomb which may cause a few scores of deaths. War has in fact changedits character. More exactly, the reasons for which war is waged havechanged in their order of importance. Motives which were alreadypresent to some small extent in the great wars of the early twentiethcentuary have now become dominant and are consciously recognized andacted upon.
To understand the nature of the present war—for in spite of theregrouping which occurs every few years, it is always the same war—onemust realize in the first place that it is impossible for it to bedecisive. None of the three super-states could be definitivelyconquered even by the other two in combination. They are too evenlymatched, and their natural defences are too formidable. Eurasia isprotected by its vast land spaces. Oceania by the width of the Atlanticand the Pacific, Eastasia by the fecundity and indus triousness of itsinhabitants. Secondly, there is no longer, in a material sense,anything to fight about. With the establishment of self-containedeconomies, in which production and consumption are geared to oneanother, the scramble for markets which was a main cause of previouswars has come to an end, while the competition for raw materials is nolonger a matter of life and death. In any case each of the threesuper-states is so vast that it can obtain almost all the materialsthat it needs within its own boundaries. In so far as the war has adirect economic purpose, it is a war for labour power. Between thefrontiers of the super- states, and not permanently in the possessionof any of them, there lies a rough quadrilateral with its corners atTangier, Brazzaville, Darwin, and Hong Kong, containing within it abouta fifth of the population of the earth. It is for the possession ofthese thickly-populated regions, and of the northern ice-cap, that thethree powers are constantly struggling. In practice no one power evercontrols the whole of the disputed area. Portions of it are constantlychanging hands, and it is the chance of seizing this or that fragmentby a sudden stroke of treachery that dictates the endless changes ofalignment.
All of the disputed territories contain valuable minerals, and some ofthem yield important vegetable products such as rubber which in colderclimates it is necessary to synthesize by comparatively expensivemethods. But above all they contain a bottomless reserve of cheaplabour. Whichever power controls equatorial Africa, or the countries ofthe Middle East, or Southern India, or the Indonesian Archipelago,disposes also of the bodies of scores or hundreds of millions ofill-paid and hard-working coolies. The inhabitants of these areas,reduced more or less openly to the status of slaves, pass continuallyfrom conqueror to conqueror, and are expended like so much coal or oilin the race to turn out more armaments, to capture more territory, tocontrol more labour power, to turn out more armaments, to capture moreterritory, and so on indefinitely. It should be noted that the fightingnever really moves beyond the edges of the disputed areas. Thefrontiers of Eurasia flow back and forth between the basin of the Congoand the northern shore of the Mediterranean; the islands of the IndianOcean and the Pacific are constantly being captured and recaptured byOceania or by Eastasia; in Mongolia the dividing line between Eurasiaand Eastasia is never stable; round the Pole all three powers lay claimto enormous territories which in fact are largely unihabited andunexplored: but the balance of power always remains roughly even, andthe territory which forms the heartland of each super-state alwaysremains inviolate. Moreover, the labour of the exploited peoples roundthe Equator is not really necessary to the world’s economy. They addnothing to the wealth of the world, since whatever they produce is usedfor purposes of war, and the object of waging a war is always to be ina better position in which to wage another war. By their labour theslave populations allow the tempo of continuous warfare to be speededup. But if they did not exist, the structure of world society, and theprocess by which it maintains itself, would not be essentiallydifferent.
The primary aim of modern warfare (in accordance with the principles of doublethink,this aim is simultaneously recognized and not recognized by thedirecting brains of the Inner Party) is to use up the products of themachine without raising the general standard of living. Ever since theend of the nineteenth century, the problem of what to do with thesurplus of consumption goods has been latent in industrial society. Atpresent, when few human beings even have enough to eat, this problem isobviously not urgent, and it might not have become so, even if noartificial processes of destruction had been at work. The world oftoday is a bare, hungry, dilapidated place compared with the world thatexisted before 1914, and still more so if compared with the imaginaryfuture to which the people of that period looked forward. In the earlytwentieth century, the vision of a future society unbelievably rich,leisured, orderly, and efficient—a glittering antiseptic world of glassand steel and snow-white concrete—was part of the consciousness ofnearly every literate person. Science and technology were developing ata prodigious speed, and it seemed natural to assume that they would goon developing. This failed to happen, partly because of theimpoverishment caused by a long series of wars and revolutions, partlybecause scientific and technical progress depended on the empiricalhabit of thought, which could not survive in a strictly regimentedsociety. As a whole the world is more primitive today than it was fiftyyears ago. Certain backward areas have advanced, and various devices,always in some way connected with warfare and police espionage, havebeen developed, but experiment and invention have largely stopped, andthe ravages of the atomic war of the nineteen- fifties have never beenfully repaired. Nevertheless the dangers inherent in the machine arestill there. From the moment when the machine first made its appearanceit was clear to all thinking people that the need for human drudgery,and therefore to a great extent for human inequality, had disappeared.If the machine were used deliberately for that end, hunger, overwork,dirt, illiteracy, and disease could be eliminated within a fewgenerations. And in fact, without being used for any such purpose, butby a sort of automatic process—by producing wealth which it wassometimes impossible not to distribute—the machine did raise the livingstandards of the average humand being very greatly over a period ofabout fifty years at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of thetwentieth centuries.
But it was also clear that an all-round increase in wealth threatenedthe destruction—indeed, in some sense was the destruction—of ahierarchical society. In a world in which everyone worked short hours,had enough to eat, lived in a house with a bathroom and a refrigerator,and possessed a motor-car or even an aeroplane, the most obvious andperhaps the most important form of inequality would already havedisappeared. If it once became general, wealth would confer nodistinction. It was possible, no doubt, to imagine a society in which wealth, in the sense of personal possessions and luxuries, should be evenly distributed, while powerremained in the hands of a small privileged caste. But in practice sucha society could not long remain stable. For if leisure and securitywere enjoyed by all alike, the great mass of human beings who arenormally stupefied by poverty would become literate and would learn tothink for themselves; and when once they had done this, they wouldsooner or later realize that the privileged minority had no function,and they would sweep it away. In the long run, a hierarchical societywas only possible on a basis of poverty and ignorance. To return to theagricultural past, as some thinkers about the beginning of thetwentieth century dreamed of doing, was not a practicable solution. Itconflicted with the tendency towards mechanization which had becomequasi-instinctive throughout almost the whole world, and moreover, anycountry which remained industrially backward was helpless in a militarysense and was bound to be dominated, directly or indirectly, by itsmore advanced rivals.
Nor was it a satisfactory solution to keep the masses in poverty byrestricting the output of goods. This happened to a great extent duringthe final phase of capitalism, roughly between 1920 and 1940. Theeconomy of many countries was allowed to stagnate, land went out ofcultivation, capital equipment was not added to, great blocks of thepopulation were prevented from working and kept half alive by Statecharity. But this, too, entailed military weakness, and since theprivations it inflicted were obviously unnecessary, it made oppositioninevitable. The problem was how to keep the wheels of industry turningwithout increasing the real wealth of the world. Goods must beproduced, but they must not be distributed. And in practice the onlyway of achieving this was by continuous warfare.
The essential act of war is destruction, not necessarily of humanlives, but of the products of human labour. War is a way of shatteringto pieces, or pouring into the stratosphere, or sinking in the depthsof the sea, materials which might otherwise be used to make the massestoo comfortable, and hence, in the long run, too intelligent. Even whenweapons of war are not actually destroyed, their manufacture is still aconvenient way of expending labour power without producing anythingthat can be consumed. A Floating Fortress, for example, has locked upin it the labour that would build several hundred cargo-ships.Ultimately it is scrapped as obsolete, never having brought anymaterial benefit to anybody, and with further enormous labours anotherFloating Fortress is built. In principle the war effort is always soplanned as to eat up any surplus that might exist after meeting thebare needs of the population. In practice the needs of the populationare always underestimated, with the result that there is a chronicshortage of half the necessities of life; but this is looked on as anadvantage. It is deliberate policy to keep even the favoured groupssomewhere near the brink of hardship, because a general state ofscarcity increases the importance of small privileges and thusmagnifies the distinction between one group and another. By thestandards of the early twentieth century, even a member of the InnerParty lives an austere, laborious kind of life. Nevertheless, the fewluxuries that he does enjoy his large, well-appointed flat, the bettertexture of his clothes, the better quality of his food and drink andtobacco, his two or three servants, his private motor-car orhelicopter—set him in a different world from a member of the OuterParty, and the members of the Outer Party have a similar advantage incomparison with the submerged masses whom we call ‘the proles’. Thesocial atmosphere is that of a besieged city, where the possession of alump of horseflesh makes the difference between wealth and poverty. Andat the same time the consciousness of being at war, and therefore indanger, makes the handing-over of all power to a small caste seem thenatural, unavoidable condition of survival.
War, it will be seen, accomplishes the necessary destruction, butaccomplishes it in a psychologically acceptable way. In principle itwould be quite simple to waste the surplus labour of the world bybuilding temples and pyramids, by digging holes and filling them upagain, or even by producing vast quantities of goods and then settingfire to them. But this would provide only the economic and not theemotional basis for a hierarchical society. What is concerned here isnot the morale of masses, whose attitude is unimportant so long as theyare kept steadily at work, but the morale of the Party itself. Even thehumblest Party member is expected to be competent, industrious, andeven intelligent within narrow limits, but it is also necessary that heshould be a credulous and ignorant fanatic whose prevailing moods arefear, hatred, adulation, and orgiastic triumph. In other words it isnecessary that he should have the mentality appropriate to a state ofwar. It does not matter whether the war is actually happening, and,since no decisive victory is possible, it does not matter whether thewar is going well or badly. All that is needed is that a state of warshould exist. The splitting of the intelligence which the Partyrequires of its members, and which is more easily achieved in anatmosphere of war, is now almost universal, but the higher up the ranksone goes, the more marked it becomes. It is precisely in the InnerParty that war hysteria and hatred of the enemy are strongest. In hiscapacity as an administrator, it is often necessary for a member of theInner Party to know that this or that item of war news is untruthful,and he may often be aware that the entire war is spurious and is eithernot happening or is being waged for purposes quite other than thedeclared ones: but such knowledge is easily neutralized by thetechnique of doublethink.Meanwhile no Inner Party member wavers for an instant in his mysticalbelief that the war is real, and that it is bound to end victoriously,with Oceania the undisputed master of the entire world.
All members of the Inner Party believe in this coming conquest as anarticle of faith. It is to be achieved either by gradually acquiringmore and more territory and so building up an overwhelmingpreponderance of power, or by the discovery of some new andunanswerable weapon. The search for new weapons continues unceasingly,and is one of the very few remaining activities in which the inventiveor speculative type of mind can find any outlet. In Oceania at thepresent day, Science, in the old sense, has almost ceased to exist. InNewspeak there is no word for ‘Science’. The empirical method ofthought, on which all the scientific achievements of the past werefounded, is opposed to the most fundamental principles of Ingsoc. Andeven technological progress only happens when its products can in someway be used for the diminution of human liberty. In all the useful artsthe world is either standing still or going backwards. The fields arecultivated with horse-ploughs while books are written by machinery. Butin matters of vital importance—meaning, in effect, war and policeespionage—the empirical approach is still encouraged, or at leasttolerated. The two aims of the Party are to conquer the whole surfaceof the earth and to extinguish once and for all the possibility ofindependent thought. There are therefore two great problems which theParty is concerned to solve. One is how to discover, against his will,what another human being is thinking, and the other is how to killseveral hundred million people in a few seconds without giving warningbeforehand. In so far as scientific research still continues, this isits subject matter. The scientist of today is either a mixture ofpsychologist and inquisitor, studying with real ordinary minuteness themeaning of facial expressions, gestures, and tones of voice, andtesting the truth-producing effects of drugs, shock therapy, hypnosis,and physical torture; or he is chemist, physicist, or biologistconcerned only with such branches of his special subject as arerelevant to the taking of life. In the vast laboratories of theMinistry of Peace, and in the experimental stations hidden in theBrazilian forests, or in the Australian desert, or on lost islands ofthe Antarctic, the teams of experts are indefatigably at work. Some areconcerned simply with planning the logistics of future wars; othersdevise larger and larger rocket bombs, more and more powerfulexplosives, and more and more impenetrable armour- plating; otherssearch for new and deadlier gases, or for soluble poisons capable ofbeing produced in such quantities as to destroy the vegetation of wholecontinents, or for breeds of disease germs immunized against allpossible antibodies; others strive to produce a vehicle that shall boreits way under the soil like a submarine under the water, or anaeroplane as independent of its base as a sailing-ship; others exploreeven remoter possibilities such as focusing the sun’s rays throughlenses suspended thousands of kilometres away in space, or producingartificial earthquakes and tidal waves by tapping the heat at theearth’s centre.
But none of these projects ever comes anywhere near realization, andnone of the three super-states ever gains a significant lead on theothers. What is more remarkable is that all three powers alreadypossess, in the atomic bomb, a weapon far more powerful than any thattheir present researches are likely to discover. Although the Party,according to its habit, claims the invention for itself, atomic bombsfirst appeared as early as the nineteen- forties, and were first usedon a large scale about ten years later. At that time some hundreds ofbombs were dropped on industrial centres, chiefly in European Russia,Western Europe, and North America. The effect was to convince theruling groups of all countries that a few more atomic bombs would meanthe end of organized society, and hence of their own power. Thereafter,although no formal agreement was ever made or hinted at, no more bombswere dropped. All three powers merely continue to produce atomic bombsand store them up against the decisive opportunity which they allbelieve will come sooner or later. And meanwhile the art of war hasremained almost stationary for thirty or forty years. Helicopters aremore used than they were formerly, bombing planes have been largelysuperseded by self-propelled projectiles, and the fragile movablebattleship has given way to the almost unsinkable Floating Fortress;but otherwise there has been little development. The tank, thesubmarine, the torpedo, the machine gun, even the rifle and the handgrenade are still in use. And in spite of the endless slaughtersreported in the Press and on the telescreens, the desperate battles ofearlier wars, in which hundreds of thousands or even millions of menwere often killed in a few weeks, have never been repeated.
None of the three super-states ever attempts any manoeuvre whichinvolves the risk of serious defeat. When any large operation isundertaken, it is usually a surprise attack against an ally. Thestrategy that all three powers are following, or pretend to themselvesthat they are following, is the same. The plan is, by a combination offighting, bargaining, and well-timed strokes of treachery, to acquire aring of bases completely encircling one or other of the rival states,and then to sign a pact of friendship with that rival and remain onpeaceful terms for so many years as to lull suspicion to sleep. Duringthis time rockets loaded with atomic bombs can be assembled at all thestrategic spots; finally they will all be fired simultaneously, witheffects so devastating as to make retaliation impossible. It will thenbe time to sign a pact of friendship with the remaining world-power, inpreparation for another attack. This scheme, it is hardly necessary tosay, is a mere daydream, impossible of realization. Moreover, nofighting ever occurs except in the disputed areas round the Equator andthe Pole: no invasion of enemy territory is ever undertaken. Thisexplains the fact that in some places the frontiers between thesuperstates are arbitrary. Eurasia, for example, could easily conquerthe British Isles, which are geographically part of Europe, or on theother hand it would be possible for Oceania to push its frontiers tothe Rhine or even to the Vistula. But this would violate the principle,followed on all sides though never formulated, of cultural integrity.If Oceania were to conquer the areas that used once to be known asFrance and Germany, it would be necessary either to exterminate theinhabitants, a task of great physical difficulty, or to assimilate apopulation of about a hundred million people, who, so far as technicaldevelopment goes, are roughly on the Oceanic level. The problem is thesame for all three super-states. It is absolutely necessary to theirstructure that there should be no contact with foreigners, except, to alimited extent, with war prisoners and coloured slaves. Even theofficial ally of the moment is always regarded with the darkestsuspicion. War prisoners apart, the average citizen of Oceania neversets eyes on a citizen of either Eurasia or Eastasia, and he isforbidden the knowledge of foreign languages. If he were allowedcontact with foreigners he would discover that they are creaturessimilar to himself and that most of what he has been told about them islies. The sealed world in which he lives would be broken, and the fear,hatred, and self-righteousness on which his morale depends mightevaporate. It is therefore realized on all sides that however oftenPersia, or Egypt, or Java, or Ceylon may change hands, the mainfrontiers must never be crossed by anything except bombs.
Under this lies a fact never mentioned aloud, but tacitly understoodand acted upon: namely, that the conditions of life in all threesuper-states are very much the same. In Oceania the prevailingphilosophy is called Ingsoc, in Eurasia it is called Neo-Bolshevism,and in Eastasia it is called by a Chinese name usually translated asDeath- Worship, but perhaps better rendered as Obliteration of theSelf. The citizen of Oceania is not allowed to know anything of thetenets of the other two philosophies, but he is taught to execrate themas barbarous outrages upon morality and common sense. Actually thethree philosophies are barely distinguishable, and the social systemswhich they support are not distinguishable at all. Everywhere there isthe same pyramidal structure, the same worship of semi-divine leader,the same economy existing by and for continuous warfare. It followsthat the three super-states not only cannot conquer one another, butwould gain no advantage by doing so. On the contrary, so long as theyremain in conflict they prop one another up, like three sheaves ofcorn. And, as usual, the ruling groups of all three powers aresimultaneously aware and unaware of what they are doing. Their livesare dedicated to world conquest, but they also know that it isnecessary that the war should continue everlastingly and withoutvictory. Meanwhile the fact that there is no danger of conquest makespossible the denial of reality which is the special feature of Ingsocand its rival systems of thought. Here it is necessary to repeat whathas been said earlier, that by becoming continuous war hasfundamentally changed its character.
In past ages, a war, almost by definition, was something that sooner orlater came to an end, usually in unmistakable victory or defeat. In thepast, also, war was one of the main instruments by which humansocieties were kept in touch with physical reality. All rulers in allages have tried to impose a false view of the world upon theirfollowers, but they could not afford to encourage any illusion thattended to impair military efficiency. So long as defeat meant the lossof independence, or some other result generally held to be undesirable,the precautions against defeat had to be serious. Physical facts couldnot be ignored. In philosophy, or religion, or ethics, or politics, twoand two might make five, but when one was designing a gun or anaeroplane they had to make four. Inefficient nations were alwaysconquered sooner or later, and the struggle for efficiency was inimicalto illusions. Moreover, to be efficient it was necessary to be able tolearn from the past, which meant having a fairly accurate idea of whathad happened in the past. Newspapers and history books were, of course,always coloured and biased, but falsification of the kind that ispractised today would have been impossible. War was a sure safeguard ofsanity, and so far as the ruling classes were concerned it was probablythe most important of all safeguards. While wars could be won or lost,no ruling class could be completely irresponsible.
But when war becomes literally continuous, it also ceases to bedangerous. When war is continuous there is no such thing as militarynecessity. Technical progress can cease and the most palpable facts canbe denied or disregarded. As we have seen, researches that could becalled scientific are still carried out for the purposes of war, butthey are essentially a kind of daydreaming, and their failure to showresults is not important. Efficiency, even military efficiency, is nolonger needed. Nothing is efficient in Oceania except the ThoughtPolice. Since each of the three super-states is unconquerable, each isin effect a separate universe within which almost any perversion ofthought can be safely practised. Reality only exerts its pressurethrough the needs of everyday life—the need to eat and drink, to getshelter and clothing, to avoid swallowing poison or stepping out oftop-storey windows, and the like. Between life and death, and betweenphysical pleasure and physical pain, there is still a distinction, butthat is all. Cut off from contact with the outer world, and with thepast, the citizen of Oceania is like a man in interstellar space, whohas no way of knowing which direction is up and which is down. Therulers of such a state are absolute, as the Pharaohs or the Caesarscould not be. They are obliged to prevent their followers from starvingto death in numbers large enough to be inconvenient, and they areobliged to remain at the same low level of military technique as theirrivals; but once that minimum is achieved, they can twist reality intowhatever shape they choose.
The war, therefore, if we judge it by the standards of previous wars,is merely an imposture. It is like the battles between certain ruminantanimals whose horns are set at such an angle that they are incapable ofhurting one another. But though it is unreal it is not meaningless. Iteats up the surplus of consumable goods, and it helps to preserve thespecial mental atmosphere that a hierarchical society needs. War, itwill be seen, is now a purely internal affair. In the past, the rulinggroups of all countries, although they might recognize their commoninterest and therefore limit the destructiveness of war, did fightagainst one another, and the victor always plundered the vanquished. Inour own day they are not fighting against one another at all. The waris waged by each ruling group against its own subjects, and the objectof the war is not to make or prevent conquests of territory, but tokeep the structure of society intact. The very word ‘war’, therefore,has become misleading. It would probably be accurate to say that bybecoming continuous war has ceased to exist. The peculiar pressure thatit exerted on human beings between the Neolithic Age and the earlytwentieth century has disappeared and been replaced by something quitedifferent. The effect would be much the same if the three super-states,instead of fighting one another, should agree to live in perpetualpeace, each inviolate within its own boundaries. For in that case eachwould still be a self-contained universe, freed for ever from thesobering influence of external danger. A peace that was truly permanentwould be the same as a permanent war. This—although the vast majorityof Party members understand it only in a shallower sense—is the innermeaning of the Party slogan: War is Peace.
Winston stopped reading for a moment. Somewhere in remote distance arocket bomb thundered. The blissful feeling of being alone with theforbidden book, in a room with no telescreen, had not worn off.Solitude and safety were physical sensations, mixed up somehow with thetiredness of his body, the softness of the chair, the touch of thefaint breeze from the window that played upon his cheek. The bookfascinated him, or more exactly it reassured him. In a sense it toldhim nothing that was new, but that was part of the attraction. It saidwhat he would have said, if it had been possible for him to set hisscattered thoughts in order. It was the product of a mind similar tohis own, but enormously more powerful, more systematic, lessfear-ridden. The best books, he perceived, are those that tell you whatyou know already. He had just turned back to Chapter I when he heardJulia’s footstep on the stair and started out of his chair to meet her.She dumped her brown tool-bag on the floor and flung herself into hisarms. It was more than a week since they had seen one another.
‘I’ve got the book,’ he said as they disentangled themselves.
‘Oh, you’ve got it? Good,’ she said without much interest, and almostimmediately knelt down beside the oilstove to make the coffee.
They did not return to the subject until they had been in bed for halfan hour. The evening was just cool enough to make it worth while topull up the counterpane. From below came the familiar sound of singingand the scrape of boots on the flagstones. The brawny red-armed womanwhom Winston had seen there on his first visit was almost a fixture inthe yard. There seemed to be no hour of daylight when she was notmarching to and fro between the washtub and the line, alternatelygagging herself with clothes pegs and breaking forth into lusty song.Julia had settled down on her side and seemed to be already on thepoint of falling asleep. He reached out for the book, which was lyingon the floor, and sat up against the bedhead.
‘We must read it,’ he said. ‘You too. All members of the Brotherhood have to read it.’
‘You read it,’ she said with her eyes shut. ‘Read it aloud. That’s the best way. Then you can explain it to me as you go.’
The clock’s hands said six, meaning eighteen. They had three or fourhours ahead of them. He propped the book against his knees and beganreading:
Chapter I Ignorance is Strength
Throughout recorded time, and probably since the end of the NeolithicAge, there have been three kinds of people in the world, the High, theMiddle, and the Low. They have been subdivided in many ways, they haveborne countless different names, and their relative numbers, as well astheir attitude towards one another, have varied from age to age: butthe essential structure of society has never altered. Even afterenormous upheavals and seemingly irrevocable changes, the same patternhas always reasserted itself, just as a gyroscope will always return toequilibnum, however far it is pushed one way or the other ‘Julia, are you awake?’ said Winston.
‘Yes, my love, I’m listening. Go on. It’s marvellous.’
He continued reading:
The aims of these three groups are entirely irreconcilable. The aim ofthe High is to remain where they are. The aim of the Middle is tochange places with the High. The aim of the Low, when they have anaim—for it is an abiding characteristic of the Low that they are toomuch crushed by drudgery to be more than intermittently conscious ofanything outside their daily lives—is to abolish all distinctions andcreate a society in which all men shall be equal. Thus throughouthistory a struggle which is the same in its main outlines recurs overand over again. For long periods the High seem to be securely in power,but sooner or later there always comes a moment when they lose eithertheir belief in themselves or their capacity to govern efficiently, orboth. They are then overthrown by the Middle, who enlist the Low ontheir side by pretending to them that they are fighting for liberty andjustice. As soon as they have reached their objective, the Middlethrust the Low back into their old position of servitude, andthemselves become the High. Presently a new Middle group splits offfrom one of the other groups, or from both of them, and the strugglebegins over again. Of the three groups, only the Low are never eventemporarily successful in achieving their aims. It would be anexaggeration to say that throughout history there has been no progressof a material kind. Even today, in a period of decline, the averagehuman being is physically better off than he was a few centuries ago.But no advance in wealth, no softening of manners, no reform orrevolution has ever brought human equality a millimetre nearer. Fromthe point of view of the Low, no historic change has ever meant muchmore than a change in the name of their masters. By the late nineteenth century the recurrence of this pattern hadbecome obvious to many observers. There then rose schools of thinkerswho interpreted history as a cyclical process and claimed to show thatinequality was the unalterable law of human life. This doctrine, ofcourse, had always had its adherents, but in the manner in which it wasnow put forward there was a significant change. In the past the needfor a hierarchical form of society had been the doctrine specificallyof the High. It had been preached by kings and aristocrats and by thepriests, lawyers, and the like who were parasitical upon them, and ithad generally been softened by promises of compensation in an imaginaryworld beyond the grave. The Middle, so long as it was struggling forpower, had always made use of such terms as freedom, justice, andfraternity. Now, however, the concept of human brotherhood began to beassailed by people who were not yet in positions of command, but merelyhoped to be so before long. In the past the Middle had made revolutionsunder the banner of equality, and then had estab lished a fresh tyrannyas soon as the old one was overthrown. The new Middle groups in effectproclaimed their tyranny beforehand. Socialism, a theory which appearedin the early nineteenth century and was the last link in a chain ofthought stretching back to the slave rebellions of antiquity, was stilldeeply infected by the Utopianism of past ages. But in each variant ofSocialism that appeared from about 1900 onwards the aim of establishingliberty and equality was more and more openly abandoned. The newmovements which appeared in the middle years of the century, Ingsoc inOceania, Neo-Bolshevism in Eurasia, Death-Worship, as it is commonlycalled, in Eastasia, had the conscious aim of perpetuating unfreedom and
in
equality.These new movements, of course, grew out of the old ones and tended tokeep their names and pay lip-service to their ideology. But the purposeof all of them was to arrest progress and freeze history at a chosenmoment. The familiar pendulum swing was to happen once more, and thenstop. As usual, the High were to be turned out by the Middle, who wouldthen become the High; but this time, by conscious strategy, the Highwould be able to maintain their position permanently. The new doctrines arose partly because of the accumulation ofhistorical knowledge, and the growth of the historical sense, which hadhardly existed before the nineteenth century. The cyclical movement ofhistory was now intelligible, or appeared to be so; and if it wasintelligible, then it was alterable. But the principal, underlyingcause was that, as early as the beginning of the twentieth century,human equality had become technically possible. It was still true thatmen were not equal in their native talents and that functions had to bespecialized in ways that favoured some individuals against others; butthere was no longer any real need for class distinctions or for largedifferences of wealth. In earlier ages, class distinctions had been notonly inevitable but desirable. Inequality was the price ofcivilization. With the development of machine production, however, thecase was altered. Even if it was still necessary for human beings to dodifferent kinds of work, it was no longer necessary for them to live atdifferent social or economic levels. Therefore, from the point of viewof the new groups who were on the point of seizing power, humanequality was no longer an ideal to be striven after, but a danger to beaverted. In more primitive ages, when a just and peaceful society wasin fact not possible, it had been fairly easy to believe it. The ideaof an earthly paradise in which men should live together in a state ofbrotherhood, without laws and without brute labour, had haunted thehuman imagination for thousands of years. And this vision had had acertain hold even on the groups who actually profited by eachhistorical change. The heirs of the French, English, and Americanrevolutions had partly believed in their own phrases about the rightsof man, freedom of speech, equality before the law, and the like, andhave even allowed their conduct to be influenced by them to someextent. But by the fourth decade of the twentieth century all the maincurrents of political thought were authoritarian. The earthly paradisehad been discredited at exactly the moment when it became realizable.Every new political theory, by whatever name it called itself, led backto hierarchy and regimentation. And in the general hardening of outlookthat set in round about 1930, practices which had been long abandoned,in some cases for hundreds of years—imprisonment without trial, the useof war prisoners as slaves, public executions, torture to extractconfessions, the use of hostages, and the deportation of wholepopulations-not only became common again, but were tolerated and evendefended by people who considered themselves enlightened andprogressive.
It was only after a decade of national wars, civil wars, revolutions,and counter-revolutions in all parts of the world that Ingsoc and itsrivals emerged as fully worked-out political theories. But they hadbeen foreshadowed by the various systems, generally calledtotalitarian, which had appeared earlier in the century, and the mainoutlines of the world which would emerge from the prevailing chaos hadlong been obvious. What kind of people would control this world hadbeen equally obvious. The new aristocracy was made up for the most partof bureaucrats, scientists, technicians, trade-union organizers,publicity experts, sociologists, teachers, journalists, andprofessional politicians. These people, whose origins lay in thesalaried middle class and the upper grades of the working class, hadbeen shaped and brought together by the barren world of monopolyindustry and centralized government. As compared with their oppositenumbers in past ages, they were less avaricious, less tempted byluxury, hungrier for pure power, and, above all, more conscious of whatthey were doing and more intent on crushing opposition. This lastdifference was cardinal. By comparison with that existing today, allthe tyrannies of the past were half-hearted and inefficient. The rulinggroups were always infected to some extent by liberal ideas, and werecontent to leave loose ends everywhere, to regard only the overt actand to be uninterested in what their subjects were thinking. Even theCatholic Church of the Middle Ages was tolerant by modern standards.Part of the reason for this was that in the past no government had thepower to keep its citizens under constant surveillance. The inventionof print, however, made it easier to manipulate public opinion, and thefilm and the radio carried the process further. With the development oftelevision, and the technical advance which made it possible to receiveand transmit simultaneously on the same instrument, private life cameto an end. Every citizen, or at least every citizen important enough tobe worth watching, could be kept for twentyfour hours a day under theeyes of the police and in the sound of official propaganda, with allother channels of communication closed. The possibility of enforcingnot only complete obedience to the will of the State, but completeuniformity of opinion on all subjects, now existed for the first time.
After the revolutionary period of the fifties and sixties, societyregrouped itself, as always, into High, Middle, and Low. But the newHigh group, unlike all its forerunners, did not act upon instinct butknew what was needed to safeguard its position. It had long beenrealized that the only secure basis for oligarchy is collectivism.Wealth and privilege are most easily defended when they are possessedjointly. The so-called ‘abolition of private property’ which took placein the middle years of the century meant, in effect, the concentrationof property in far fewer hands than before: but with this difference,that the new owners were a group instead of a mass of individuals.Individually, no member of the Party owns anything, except pettypersonal belongings. Collectively, the Party owns everything inOceania, because it controls everything, and disposes of the productsas it thinks fit. In the years following the Revolution it was able tostep into this commanding position almost unopposed, because the wholeprocess was represented as an act of collectivization. It had alwaysbeen assumed that if the capitalist class were expropriated, Socialismmust follow: and unquestionably the capitalists had been expropriated.Factories, mines, land, houses, transport—everything had been takenaway from them: and since these things were no longer private property,it followed that they must be public property. Ingsoc, which grew outof the earlier Socialist movement and inherited its phraseology, has infact carried out the main item in the Socialist programme; with theresult, foreseen and intended beforehand, that economic inequality hasbeen made permanent.
But the problems of perpetuating a hierarchical society go deeper thanthis. There are only four ways in which a ruling group can fall frompower. Either it is conquered from without, or it governs soinefficiently that the masses are stirred to revolt, or it allows astrong and discontented Middle group to come into being, or it losesits own self-confidence and willingness to govern. These causes do notoperate singly, and as a rule all four of them are present in somedegree. A ruling class which could guard against all of them wouldremain in power permanently. Ultimately the determining factor is themental attitude of the ruling class itself.
After the middle of the present century, the first danger had inreality disappeared. Each of the three powers which now divide theworld is in fact unconquerable, and could only become conquerablethrough slow demographic changes which a government with wide powerscan easily avert. The second danger, also, is only a theoretical one.The masses never revolt of their own accord, and they never revoltmerely because they are oppressed. Indeed, so long as they are notpermitted to have standards of comparison, they never even become awarethat they are oppressed. The recurrent economic crises of past timeswere totally unnecessary and are not now permitted to happen, but otherand equally large dislocations can and do happen without havingpolitical results, because there is no way in which discontent canbecome articulate. As fcr the problem of overproduction, which has beenlatent in our society since the development of machine technique, it issolved by the device of continuous warfare (see Chapter III), which isalso useful in keying up public morale to the necessary pitch. From thepoint of view of our present rulers, therefore, the only genuinedangers are the splitting-off of a new group of able, underemployed,power-hungry people, and the growth of liberalism and scepticism intheir own ranks. The problem, that is to say, is educational. It is aproblem of continuously moulding the consciousness both of thedirecting group and of the larger executive group that lies immediatelybelow it. The consciousness of the masses needs only to be influencedin a negative way.
Given this background, one could infer, if one did not know it already,the general structure of Oceanic society. At the apex of the pyramidcomes Big Brother. Big Brother is infallible and all-powerful. Everysuccess, every achievement, every victory, every scientific discovery,all knowledge, all wisdom, all happiness, all virtue, are held to issuedirectly from his leadership and inspiration. Nobody has ever seen BigBrother. He is a face on the hoardings, a voice on the telescreen. Wemay be reasonably sure that he will never die, and there is alreadyconsiderable uncertainty as to when he was born. Big Brother is theguise in which the Party chooses to exhibit itself to the world. Hisfunction is to act as a focusing point for love, fear, and reverence,emotions which are more easily felt towards an individual than towardsan organization. Below Big Brother comes the Inner Party. its numberslimited to six millions, or something less than 2 per cent of thepopulation of Oceania. Below the Inner Party comes the Outer Party,which, if the Inner Party is described as the brain of the State, maybe justly likened to the hands. Below that come the dumb masses whom wehabitually refer to as ‘the proles’, numbering perhaps 85 per cent ofthe population. In the terms of our earlier classification, the prolesare the Low: for the slave population of the equatorial lands who passconstantly from conqueror to conqueror, are not a permanent ornecessary part of the structure.
In principle, membership of these three groups is not hereditary. Thechild of Inner Party parents is in theory not born into the InnerParty. Admission to either branch of the Party is by examination, takenat the age of sixteen. Nor is there any racial discrimination, or anymarked domination of one province by another. Jews, Negroes, SouthAmericans of pure Indian blood are to be found in the highest ranks ofthe Party, and the administrators of any area are always drawn from theinhabitants of that area. In no part of Oceania do the inhabitants havethe feeling that they are a colonial population ruled from a distantcapital. Oceania has no capital, and its titular head is a person whosewhereabouts nobody knows. Except that English is its chief linguafranca and Newspeak its official language, it is not centralized in anyway. Its rulers are not held together by blood-ties but by adherence toa common doctrine. It is true that our society is stratified, and veryrigidly stratified, on what at first sight appear to be hereditarylines. There is far less to- and-fro movement between the differentgroups than happened under capitalism or even in the pre-industrialage. Between the two branches of the Party there is a certain amount ofinterchange, but only so much as will ensure that weaklings areexcluded from the Inner Party and that ambitious members of the OuterParty are made harmless by allowing them to rise. Proletarians, inpractice, are not allowed to graduate into the Party. The most giftedamong them, who might possibly become nuclei of discontent, are simplymarked down by the Thought Police and eliminated. But this state ofaffairs is not necessarily permanent, nor is it a matter of principle.The Party is not a class in the old sense of the word. It does not aimat transmitting power to its own children, as such; and if there wereno other way of keeping the ablest people at the top, it would beperfectly prepared to recruit an entire new generation from the ranksof the proletariat. In the crucial years, the fact that the Party wasnot a hereditary body did a great deal to neutralize opposition. Theolder kind of Socialist, who had been trained to fight againstsomething called ‘class privilege’ assumed that what is not hereditarycannot be permanent. He did not see that the continuity of an oligarchyneed not be physical, nor did he pause to reflect that hereditaryaristocracies have always been shortlived, whereas adoptiveorganizations such as the Catholic Church have sometimes lasted forhundreds or thousands of years. The essence of oligarchical rule is notfather-to-son inheritance, but the persistence of a certain world-viewand a certain way of life, imposed by the dead upon the living. Aruling group is a ruling group so long as it can nominate itssuccessors. The Party is not concerned with perpetuating its blood butwith perpetuating itself. Who wields power is not important, provided that the hierarchical structure remains always the same.
All the beliefs, habits, tastes, emotions, mental attitudes thatcharacterize our time are really designed to sustain the mystique ofthe Party and prevent the true nature of present-day society from beingperceived. Physical rebellion, or any preliminary move towardsrebellion, is at present not possible. From the proletarians nothing isto be feared. Left to themselves, they will continue from generation togeneration and from century to century, working, breeding, and dying,not only without any impulse to rebel, but without the power ofgrasping that the world could be other than it is. They could onlybecome dangerous if the advance of industrial technique made itnecessary to educate them more highly; but, since military andcommercial rivalry are no longer important, the level of popu lareducation is actually declining. What opinions the masses hold, or donot hold, is looked on as a matter of indifference. They can be grantedintellectual liberty because they have no intellect. In a Party member,on the other hand, not even the smallest deviation of opinion on themost unimportant subject can be tolerated.
A Party member lives from birth to death under the eye of the ThoughtPolice. Even when he is alone he can never be sure that he is alone.Wherever he may be, asleep or awake, working or resting, in his bath orin bed, he can be inspected without warning and without knowing that heis being inspected. Nothing that he does is indifferent. Hisfriendships, his relaxations, his behaviour towards his wife andchildren, the expression of his face when he is alone, the words hemutters in sleep, even the characteristic movements of his body, areall jealously scrutinized. Not only any actual misdemeanour, but anyeccentricity, however small, any change of habits, any nervousmannerism that could possibly be the symptom of an inner struggle, iscertain to be detected. He has no freedom of choice in any directionwhatever. On the other hand his actions are not regulated by law or byany clearly formulated code of behaviour. In Oceania there is no law.Thoughts and actions which, when detected, mean certain death are notformally forbidden, and the endless purges, arrests, tortures,imprisonments, and vaporizations are not inflicted as punishment forcrimes which have actually been committed, but are merely thewiping-out of persons who might perhaps commit a crime at some time inthe future. A Party member is required to have not only the rightopinions, but the right instincts. Many of the beliefs and attitudesdemanded of him are never plainly stated, and could not be statedwithout laying bare the contradictions inherent in Ingsoc. If he is aperson naturally orthodox (in Newspeak a goodthinker),he will in all circumstances know, without taking thought, what is thetrue belief or the desirable emotion. But in any case an elaboratemental training, undergone in childhood and grouping itself round theNewspeak words crimestop, blackwhite, and doublethink, makes him unwilling and unable to think too deeply on any subject whatever.
A Party member is expected to have no private emotions and no respitesfrom enthusiasm. He is supposed to live in a continuous frenzy ofhatred of foreign enemies and internal traitors, triumph overvictories, and selfabasement before the power and wisdom of the Party.The discontents produced by his bare, unsatisfying life aredeliberately turned outwards and dissipated by such devices as the TwoMinutes Hate, and the speculations which might possibly induce asceptical or rebellious attitude are killed in advance by his earlyacquired inner discipline. The first and simplest stage in thediscipline, which can be taught even to young children, is called, inNewspeak, crimestop. Crimestopmeans the faculty of stopping short, as though by instinct, at thethreshold of any dangerous thought. It includes the power of notgrasping analogies, of failing to perceive logical errors, ofmisunderstanding the simplest arguments if they are inimical to Ingsoc,and of being bored or repelled by any train of thought which is capableof leading in a heretical direction. Crimestop, in short, meansprotective stupidity. But stupidity is not enough. On the contrary,orthodoxy in the full sense demands a control over one’s own mentalprocesses as complete as that of a contortionist over his body. Oceanicsociety rests ultimately on the belief that Big Brother is omnipotentand that the Party is infallible. But since in reality Big Brother isnot omnipotent and the party is not infallible, there is need for anunwearying, moment-to-moment flexibility in the treatment of facts. Thekeyword here is blackwhite. Like so many Newspeak words, thisword has two mutually contradictory meanings. Applied to an opponent,it means the habit of impudently claiming that black is white, incontradiction of the plain facts. Applied to a Party member, it means aloyal willingness to say that black is white when Party disciplinedemands this. But it means also the ability to believe that black is white, and more, to knowthat black is white, and to forget that one has ever believed thecontrary. This demands a continuous alteration of the past, madepossible by the system of thought which really embraces all the rest,and which is known in Newspeak as doublethink.
The alteration of the past is necessary for two reasons, one of whichis subsidiary and, so to speak, precautionary. The subsidiary reason isthat the Party member, like the proletarian, tolerates present-dayconditions partly because he has no standards of comparison. He must becut off from the past, just as he must be cut off from foreigncountries, because it is necessary for him to believe that he is betteroff than his ancestors and that the average level of material comfortis constantly rising. But by far the more important reason for thereadjustment of the past is the need to safeguard the infallibility ofthe Party. It is not merely that speeches, statistics, and records ofevery kind must be constantly brought up to date in order to show thatthe predictions of the Party were in all cases right. It is also thatno change in doctrine or in political alignment can ever be admitted.For to change one’s mind, or even one’s policy, is a confession ofweakness. If, for example, Eurasia or Eastasia (whichever it may be) isthe enemy today, then that country must always have been the enemy. Andif the facts say otherwise then the facts must be altered. Thus historyis continuously rewritten. This day- to-day falsification of the past,carried out by the Ministry of Truth, is as necessary to the stabilityof the régime as the work of repression and espionage carried out bythe Ministry of Love.
The mutability of the past is the central tenet of Ingsoc. Past events,it is argued, have no objective existence, but survive only in writtenrecords and in human memories. The past is whatever the records and thememories agree upon. And since the Party is in full control of allrecords and in equally full control of the minds of its members, itfollows that the past is whatever the Party chooses to make it. It alsofollows that though the past is alterable, it never has been altered inany specific instance. For when it has been recreated in whatever shapeis needed at the moment, then this new version isthe past, and no different past can ever have existed. This holds goodeven when, as often happens, the same event has to be altered out ofrecognition several times in the course of a year. At all times theParty is in possession of absolute truth, and clearly the absolute cannever have been different from what it is now. It will be seen that thecontrol of the past depends above all on the training of memory. Tomake sure that all written records agree with the orthodoxy of themoment is merely a mechanical act. But it is also necessary to rememberthat events happened in the desired manner. And if it is necessary torearrange one’s memories or to tamper with written records, then it isnecessary to forget that one has done so. The trick of doingthis can be learned like any other mental technique. It is learned bythe majority of Party members, and certainly by all who are intelligentas well as orthodox. In Oldspeak it is called, quite frankly, ‘realitycontrol’. In Newspeak it is called doublethink, though doublethink comprises much else as well.
Doublethink means the power of holding two contradictory beliefsin one’s mind simultaneously, and accepting both of them. The Partyintellectual knows in which direction his memories must be altered; hetherefore knows that he is playing tricks with reality; but by theexercise of doublethink he also satisfies himself that realityis not violated. The process has to be conscious, or it would not becarried out with sufficient precision, but it also has to beunconscious, or it would bring with it a feeling of falsity and henceof guilt. Doublethink lies at the very heart of Ingsoc, sincethe essential act of the Party is to use conscious deception whileretaining the firmness of purpose that goes with complete honesty. Totell deliberate lies while genuinely believing in them, to forget anyfact that has become inconvenient, and then, when it becomes necessaryagain, to draw it back from oblivion for just so long as it is needed,to deny the existence of objective reality and all the while to takeaccount of the reality which one denies—all this is indispensablynecessary. Even in using the word doublethink it is necessary to exercise doublethink. For by using the word one admits that one is tampering with reality; by a fresh act of doublethinkone erases this knowledge; and so on indefinitely, with the lie alwaysone leap ahead of the truth. Ultimately it is by means of doublethinkthat the Party has been able—and may, for all we know, continue to beable for thousands of years—to arrest the course of history.
All past oligarchies have fallen from power either because theyossified or because they grew soft. Either they became stupid andarrogant, failed to adjust themselves to changing circumstances, andwere overthrown; or they became liberal and cowardly, made concessionswhen they should have used force, and once again were overthrown. Theyfell, that is to say, either through consciousness or throughunconsciousness. It is the achievement of the Party to have produced asystem of thought in which both conditions can exist simultaneously.And upon no other intellectual basis could the dominion of the Party bemade permanent. If one is to rule, and to continue ruling, one must beable to dislocate the sense of reality. For the secret of rulership isto combine a belief in one’s own infallibility with the Power to learnfrom past mistakes.
It need hardly be said that the subtlest practitioners of doublethink are those who invented doublethinkand know that it is a vast system of mental cheating. In our society,those who have the best knowledge of what is happening are also thosewho are furthest from seeing the world as it is. In general, thegreater the understanding, the greater the delusion; the moreintelligent, the less sane. One clear illustration of this is the factthat war hysteria increases in intensity as one rises in the socialscale. Those whose attitude towards the war is most nearly rational arethe subject peoples of the disputed territories. To these people thewar is simply a continuous calamity which sweeps to and fro over theirbodies like a tidal wave. Which side is winning is a matter of completeindifference to them. They are aware that a change of overlordshipmeans simply that they will be doing the same work as before for newmasters who treat them in the same manner as the old ones. The slightlymore favoured workers whom we call ‘the proles’ are only intermittentlyconscious of the war. When it is necessary they can be prodded intofrenzies of fear and hatred, but when left to themselves they arecapable of forgetting for long periods that the war is happening. It isin the ranks of the Party, and above all of the Inner Party, that thetrue war enthusiasm is found. World-conquest is believed in most firmlyby those who know it to be impossible. This peculiar linking-togetherof opposites—knowledge with ignorance, cynicism with fanaticism-is oneof the chief distinguishing marks of Oceanic society. The officialideology abounds with contradictions even when there is no practicalreason for them. Thus, the Party rejects and vilifies every principlefor which the Socialist movement originally stood, and it chooses to dothis in the name of Socialism. It preaches a contempt for the workingclass unexampled for centuries past, and it dresses its members in auniform which was at one time peculiar to manual workers and wasadopted for that reason. It systematically undermines the solidarity ofthe family, and it calls its leader by a name which is a direct appealto the sentiment of family loyalty. Even the names of the fourMinistries by which we are governed exhibit a sort of impudence intheir deliberate reversal of the facts. The Ministry of Peace concernsitself with war, the Ministry of Truth with lies, the Ministry of Lovewith torture and the Ministry of Plenty with starvation. Thesecontradictions are not accidental, nor do they result from ordinaryhypocrisy; they are deliberate exercises in doublethink. For itis only by reconciling contradictions that power can be retainedindefinitely. In no other way could the ancient cycle be broken. Ifhuman equality is to be for ever averted—if the High, as we have calledthem, are to keep their places permanently—then the prevailing mentalcondition must be controlled insanity.
But there is one question which until this moment we have almost ignored. It is; whyshould human equality be averted? Supposing that the mechanics of theprocess have been rightly described, what is the motive for this huge,accurately planned effort to freeze history at a particular moment oftime?
Here we reach the central secret. As we have seen. the mystique of the Party, and above all of the Inner Party, depends upon doublethink.But deeper than this lies the original motive, the never-questionedinstinct that first led to the seizure of power and brought doublethink,the Thought Police, continuous warfare, and all the other necessaryparaphernalia into existence afterwards. This motive really consists .. .
Winston became aware of silence, as one becomes aware of a newsound. It seemed to him that Julia had been very still for some timepast. She was lying on her side, naked from the waist upwards, with hercheek pillowed on her hand and one dark lock tumbling across her eyes.Her breast rose and fell slowly and regularly.
‘Julia.’
No answer.
‘Julia, are you awake?’
No answer. She was asleep. He shut the book, put it carefully on thefloor, lay down, and pulled the coverlet over both of them.
He had still, he reflected, not learned the ultimate secret. He understood how; he did not understand why.Chapter I, like Chapter III, had not actually told him anything that hedid not know, it had merely systematized the knowledge that hepossessed already. But after reading it he knew better than before thathe was not mad. Being in a minority, even a minority of one, did notmake you mad. There was truth and there was untruth, and if you clungto the truth even against the whole world, you were not mad. A yellowbeam from the sinking sun slanted in through the window and fell acrossthe pillow. He shut his eyes. The sun on his face and the girl’s smoothbody touching his own gave him a strong, sleepy, confident feeling. Hewas safe, everything was all right. He fell asleep murmuring ‘Sanity isnot statistical,’ with the feeling that this remark contained in it aprofound wisdom.
# 19
甲酸钾乙酸钇
Mon, 29 Sep 2008 23:37:42 +0000
[size=+2]WHEN he woke it was with the sensationof having slept for a long time, but a glance at the old-fashionedclock told him that it was only twenty- thirty. He lay dozing for awhile; then the usual deep- lunged singing struck up from the yardbelow;
The driveling song seemed to have kept its popularity. You still heardit all over the place. It had outlived the Hate Song. Julia woke at thesound, stretched herself luxuriously, and got out of bed.
‘I’m hungry,’ she said. ‘Let’s make some more coffee. Damn! The stove’sgone out and the water’s cold.’ She picked the stove up and shook it.‘There’s no oil in it.’
‘We can get some from old Charrington, I expect.’
‘The funny thing is I made sure it was full. I’m going to put my clothes on,’ she added. ‘It seems to have got colder.’
Winston also got up and dressed himself. The indefatigable voice sang on:
As he fastened the belt of his overalls he strolled across to thewindow. The sun must have gone down behind the houses; it was notshining into the yard any longer. The flagstones were wet as thoughthey had just been washed, and he had the feeling that the sky had beenwashed too, so fresh and pale was the blue between the chimney-pots.Tirelessly the woman marched to and fro, corking and uncorking herself,singing and falling silent, and pegging out more diapers, and more andyet more. He wondered whether she took in washing for a living or wasmerely the slave of twenty or thirty grandchildren. Julia had comeacross to his side; together they gazed down with a sort of fascinationat the sturdy figure below. As he looked at the woman in hercharacteristic attitude, her thick arms reaching up for the line, herpowerful mare-like buttocks protruded, it struck him for the first timethat she was beautiful. It had never before occurred to him that thebody of a woman of fifty, blown up to monstrous dimensions bychildbearing, then hardened, roughened by work till it was coarse inthe grain like an over-ripe turnip, could be beautiful. But it was so,and after all, he thought, why not? The solid, contourless body, like ablock of granite, and the rasping red skin, bore the same relation tothe body of a girl as the rose-hip to the rose. Why should the fruit beheld inferior to the flower?
‘She’s beautiful,’ he murmured.
‘She’s a metre across the hips, easily,’ said Julia.
‘That is her style of beauty,’ said Winston.
He held Julia’s supple waist easily encircled by his arm. From the hipto the knee her flank was against his. Out of their bodies no childwould ever come. That was the one thing they could never do. Only byword of mouth, from mind to mind, could they pass on the secret. Thewoman down there had no mind, she had only strong arms, a warm heart,and a fertile belly. He wondered how many children she had given birthto. It might easily be fifteen. She had had her momentary flowering, ayear, perhaps, of wild-rose beauty and then she had suddenly swollenlike a fertilized fruit and grown hard and red and coarse, and then herlife had been laundering, scrubbing, darning, cooking, sweeping,polishing, mending, scrubbing, laundering, first for children, then forgrandchildren, over thirty unbroken years. At the end of it she wasstill singing. The mystical reverence that he felt for her was somehowmixed up with the aspect of the pale, cloudless sky, stretching awaybehind the chimney-pots into interminable distance. It was curious tothink that the sky was the same for everybody, in Eurasia or Eastasiaas well as here. And the people under the sky were also very much thesame—everywhere, all over the world, hundreds of thousands of millionsof people just like this, people ignorant of one another’s existence,held apart by walls of hatred and lies, and yet almost exactly thesame—people who had never learned to think but who were storing up intheir hearts and bellies and muscles the power that would one dayoverturn the world. If there was hope, it lay in the proles! Withouthaving read to the end of the book,he knew that that must be Goldstein’s final message. The futurebelonged to the proles. And could he be sure that when their time camethe world they constructed would not be just as alien to him, WinstonSmith, as the world of the Party? Yes, because at the least it would bea world of sanity. Where there is equality there can be sanity. Sooneror later it would happen, strength would change into consciousness. Theproles were immortal, you could not doubt it when you looked at thatvaliant figure in the yard. In the end their awakening would come. Anduntil that happened, though it might be a thousand years, they wouldstay alive against all the odds, like birds, passing on from body tobody the vitality which the Party did not share and could not kill.
‘Do you remember,’ he said, ‘the thrush that sang to us, that first day, at the edge of the wood?’
‘He wasn’t singing to us,’ said Julia. ‘He was singing to please himself. Not even that. He was just singing.’
The birds sang, the proles sang. the Party did not sing. All round theworld, in London and New York, in Africa and Brazil, and in themysterious, forbidden lands beyond the frontiers, in the streets ofParis and Berlin, in the villages of the endless Russian plain, in thebazaars of China and Japan—everywhere stood the same solidunconquerable figure, made monstrous by work and childbearing, toilingfrom birth to death and still singing. Out of those mighty loins a raceof conscious beings must one day come. You were the dead, theirs wasthe future. But you could share in that future if you kept alive themind as they kept alive the body, and passed on the secret doctrinethat two plus two make four.
‘We are the dead,’ he said.
‘We are the dead,’ echoed Julia dutifully.
‘You are the dead,’ said an iron voice behind them.
They sprang apart. Winston’s entrails seemed to have turned into ice.He could see the white all round the irises of Julia’s eyes. Her facehad turned a milky yellow. The smear of rouge that was still on eachcheekbone stood out sharply, almost as though unconnected with the skinbeneath.
‘You are the dead,’ repeated the iron voice.
‘It was behind the picture,’ breathed Julia.
‘It was behind the picture,’ said the voice. ‘Remain exactly where you are. Make no movement until you are ordered.’
It was starting, it was starting at last! They could do nothing exceptstand gazing into one another’s eyes. To run for life, to get out ofthe house before it was too late—no such thought occurred to them.Unthinkable to disobey the iron voice from the wall. There was a snapas though a catch had been turned back, and a crash of breaking glass.The picture had fallen to the floor uncovering the telescreen behindit.
‘Now they can see us,’ said Julia.
‘ Now we can see you,’ said the voice. ‘ Stand out in the middle of theroom. Stand back to back. Clasp your hands behind your heads. Do nottouch one another.’
They were not touching, but it seemed to him that he could feel Julia’sbody shaking. Or perhaps it was merely the shaking of his own. He couldjust stop his teeth from chattering, but his knees were beyond hiscontrol. There was a sound of trampling boots below, inside the houseand outside. The yard seemed to be full of men. Something was beingdragged across the stones. The woman’s singing had stopped abruptly.There was a long, rolling clang, as though the washtub had been flungacross the yard, and then a confusion of angry shouts which ended in ayell of pain.
‘The house is surrounded,’ said Winston.
‘The house is surrounded,’ said the voice.
He heard Julia snap her teeth together. ‘I suppose we may as well say good-bye,’ she said.
‘You may as well say good-bye,’ said the voice. And then another quitedifferent voice, a thin, cultivated voice which Winston had theimpression of having heard before, struck in; ‘And by the way, while weare on the subject, “Here comes a candle to light you to bed, herecomes a chopper to chop off your head”!’
Something crashed on to the bed behind Winston’s back. The head of aladder had been thrust through the window and had burst in the frame.Someone was climbing through the window. There was a stampede of bootsup the stairs. The room was full of solid men in black uniforms, withiron-shod boots on their feet and truncheons in their hands.
Winston was not trembling any longer. Even his eyes he barely moved.One thing alone mattered; to keep still, to keep still and not givethem an excuse to hit you ! A man with a smooth prizefighter’s jowl inwhich the mouth was only a slit paused opposite him balancing histruncheon meditatively between thumb and forefinger. Winston met hiseyes. The feeling of nakedness, with one’s hands behind one’s head andone’s face and body all exposed, was almost unbearable. The manprotruded the tip of a white tongue, licked the place where his lipsshould have been, and then passed on. There was another crash. Someonehad picked up the glass paperweight from the table and smashed it topieces on the hearth-stone.
The fragment of coral, a tiny crinkle of pink like a sugar rosebud froma cake, rolled across the mat. How small, thought Winston, how small italways was! There was a gasp and a thump behind him, and he received aviolent kick on the ankle which nearly flung him off his balance. Oneof the men had smashed his fist into Julia’s solar plexus, doubling herup like a pocket ruler. She was thrashing about on the floor, fightingfor breath. Winston dared not turn his head even by a millimetre, butsometimes her livid, gasping face came within the angle of his vision.Even in his terror it was as though he could feel the pain in his ownbody, the deadly pain which nevertheless was less urgent than thestruggle to get back her breath. He knew what it was like; theterrible, agonizing pain which was there all the while but could not besuffered yet, because before all else it was necessary to be able tobreathe. Then two of the men hoisted her up by knees and shoulders, andcarried her out of the room like a sack. Winston had a glimpse of herface, upside down, yellow and contorted, with the eyes shut, and stillwith a smear of rouge on either cheek; and that was the last he saw ofher.
He stood dead still. No one had hit him yet. Thoughts which came oftheir own accord but seemed totally uninteresting began to flit throughhis mind. He wondered whether they had got Mr Charrington. He wonderedwhat they had done to the woman in the yard. He noticed that he badlywanted to urinate, and felt a faint surprise, because he had done soonly two or three hours ago. He noticed that the clock on themantelpiece said nine, meaning twenty-one. But the light seemed toostrong. Would not the light be fading at twenty-one hours on an Augustevening? He wondered whether after all he and Julia had mistaken thetime—had slept the clock round and thought it was twenty-thirty whenreally it was nought eight-thirty on the following morning. But he didnot pursue the thought further. It was not interesting.
There ws another, lighter step in the passage. Mr Charrington came intothe room. The demeanour of the black- uniformed men suddenly becamemore subdued. Something had also changed in Mr Charrington’sappearance. His eye fell on the fragments of the glass paperweight.
‘Pick up those pieces,’ he said sharply.
A man stooped to obey. The cockney accent had disappeared; Winstonsuddenly realized whose voice it was that he had heard a few momentsago on the telescreen. Mr Charrington was still wearing his old velvetjacket, but his hair, which had been almost white, had turned black.Also he was not wearing his spectacles. He gave Winston a single sharpglance, as though verifying his identity, and then paid no moreattention to him. He was still recognizable, but he was not the sameperson any longer. His body had straightened, and seemed to have grownbigger. His face had undergone only tiny changes that had neverthelessworked a complete transformation. The black eyebrows were less bushy,the wrinkles were gone, the whole lines of the face seemed to havealtered; even the nose seemed shorter. It was the alert, cold face of aman of about five-and-thirty. It occurred to Winston that for the firsttime in his life he was looking, with knowledge, at a member of theThought Police.
# 20
甲酸钾乙酸钇
Mon, 29 Sep 2008 23:38:19 +0000
PART Three
[size=+2]HE DID not know where he was. Presumably he was in the Ministry of Love, but there was no way of making certain.He was in a high-ceilinged windowless cell with walls of glitteringwhite porcelain. Concealed lamps flooded it with cold light, and therewas a low, steady humming sound which he supposed had something to dowith the air supply. A bench, or shelf, just wide enough to sit on ranround the wall, broken only by the door and, at the end opposite thedoor, a lavatory pan with no wooden seat. There were four telescreens,one in each wall.
There was a dull aching in his belly. It had been there eversince they had bundled him into the closed van and driven him away. Buthe was also hungry, with a gnawing, unwholesome kind of hunger. Itmight be twenty-four hours since he had eaten, it might be thirty-six.He still did not know, probably never would know, whether it had beenmorning or evening when they arrested him. Since he was arrested he hadnot been fed.
He sat as still as he could on the narrow bench, with his handscrossed on his knee. He had already learned to sit still. If you madeunexpected movements they yelled at you from the telescreen. But thecraving for food was growing upon him. What he longed for above all wasa piece of bread. He had an idea that there were a few breadcrumbs inthe pocket of his overalls. It was even possible—he thought thisbecause from time to time something seemed to tickle his leg—that theremight be a sizeable bit of crust there. In the end the temptation tofind out overcame his fear; he slipped a hand into his pocket.
‘Smith!’ yelled a voice from the telescreen. ‘6079 Smith W.! Hands out of pockets in the cells!’
He sat still again, his hands crossed on his knee. Before beingbrought here he had been taken to another place which must have been anordinary prison or a temporary lock-up used by the patrols. He did notknow how long he had been there; some hours at any rate; with no clocksand no daylight it was hard to gauge the time. It was a noisy,evil-smelling place. They had put him into a cell similar to the one hewas now in, but filthily dirty and at all times crowded by ten orfifteen people. The majority of them were common criminals, but therewere a few political prisoners among them. He had sat silent againstthe wall, jostled by dirty bodies, too preoccupied by fear and the painin his belly to take much interest in his surroundings, but stillnoticing the astonishing difference in demeanour between the Partyprisoners and the others. The Party prisoners were always silent andterrified, but the ordinary criminals seemed to care nothing foranybody. They yelled insults at the guards, fought back fiercely whentheir belongings were impounded, wrote obscene words on the floor, atesmuggled food which they produced from mysterious hiding-places intheir clothes, and even shouted down the telescreen when it tried torestore order. On the other hand some of them seemed to be on goodterms with the guards, called them by nicknames, and tried to wheedlecigarettes through the spyhole in the door. The guards, too, treatedthe common criminals with a certain forbearance, even when they had tohandle them roughly. There was much talk about the forced-labour campsto which most of the prisoners expected to be sent. It was ‘all right’in the camps, he gathered, so long as you had good contacts and knewthe ropes. There was bribery, favouritism, and racketeering of everykind, there was homosexuality and prostitution, there was even illicitalcohol distilled from potatoes. The positions of trust were given onlyto the common criminals, especially the gangsters and the murderers,who formed a sort of aristocracy. All the dirty jobs were done by thepoliticals.
There was a constant come-and-go of prisoners of everydescription: drug-peddlers, thieves, bandits, black- marketeers,drunks, prostitutes. Some of the drunks were so violent that the otherprisoners had to combine to suppress them. An enormous wreck of awoman, aged about sixty, with great tumbling breasts and thick coils ofwhite hair which had come down in her struggles, was carried in,kicking and shouting, by four guards, who had hold of her one at eachcorner. They wrenched off the boots with which she had been trying tokick them, and dumped her down across Winston’s lap, almost breakinghis thigh-bones. The woman hoisted herself upright and followed themout with a yell of ‘F—— bastards!’ Then, noticing that she was sittingon something uneven, she slid off Winston’s knees on to the bench.
‘Beg pardon, dearie,’ she said. ‘I wouldn’t ’a sat on you, onlythe buggers put me there. They dono ’ow to treat a lady, do they?’ Shepaused, patted her breast, and belched. ‘Pardon,’ she said, ‘I ain’tmeself, quite.’
She leant forward and vomited copiously on the floor.
‘Thass better,’ she said, leaning back with closed eyes. ‘Neverkeep it down, thass what I say. Get it up while it’s fresh on yourstomach, like.’
She revived, turned to have another look at Winston and seemedimmediately to take a fancy to him. She put a vast arm round hisshoulder and drew him towards her, breathing beer and vomit into hisface.
‘Wass your name, dearie?’ she said.
‘Smith,’ said Winston.
‘Smith?’ said the woman. ‘Thass funny. My name’s Smith too. Why,’ she added sentimentally, ‘I might be your mother!’
She might, thought Winston, be his mother. She was about theright age and physique, and it was probable that people changedsomewhat after twenty years in a forced-labour camp.
No one else had spoken to him. To a surprising extent the ordinary criminals ignored the Party prisoners. ‘The polits,’they called them, with a sort of uninterested contempt. The Partyprisoners seemed terrified of speaking to anybody, and above all ofspeaking to one another. Only once, when two Party members, both women,were pressed close together on the bench, he overheard amid the din ofvoices a few hurriedly-whispered words; and in particular a referenceto something called ‘room one-ohone’, which he did not understand.
It might be two or three hours ago that they had brought himhere. The dull pain in his belly never went away, but sometimes it grewbetter and sometimes worse, and his thoughts expanded or contractedaccordingly. When it grew worse he thought only of the pain itself, andof his desire for food. When it grew better, panic took hold of him.There were moments when he foresaw the things that would happen to himwith such actuality that his heart galloped and his breath stopped. Hefelt the smash of truncheons on his elbows and iron-shod boots on hisshins; he saw himself grovelling on the floor, screaming for mercythrough broken teeth. He hardly thought of Julia. He could not fix hismind on her. He loved her and would not betray her; but that was only afact, known as he knew the rules of arithmetic. He felt no love forher, and he hardly even wondered what was happening to her. He thoughtoftener of O’Brien, with a flickering hope. O’Brien might know that hehad been arrested. The Brotherhood, he had said, never tried to saveits members. But there was the razor blade; they would send the razorblade if they could. There would be perhaps five seconds before theguard could rush into the cell. The blade would bite into him with asort of burning coldness, and even the fingers that held it would becut to the bone. Everything came back to his sick body, which shranktrembling from the smallest pain. He was not certain that he would usethe razor blade even if he got the chance. It was more natural to existfrom moment to moment, accepting another ten minutes’ life even withthe certainty that there was torture at the end of it.
Sometimes he tried to calculate the number of porcelain bricksin the walls of the cell. It should have been easy, but he always lostcount at some point or another. More often he wondered where he was,and what time of day it was. At one moment he felt certain that it wasbroad daylight outside, and at the next equally certain that it waspitch darkness. In this place, he knew instinctively, the lights wouldnever be turned out. It was the place with no darkness: he saw now whyO’Brien had seemed to recognize the allusion. In the Ministry of Lovethere were no windows. His cell might be at the heart of the buildingor against its outer wall; it might be ten floors below ground, orthirty above it. He moved himself mentally from place to place, andtried to determine by the feeling of his body whether he was perchedhigh in the air or buried deep underground.
There was a sound of marching boots outside. The steel dooropened with a clang. A young officer, a trim black- uniformed figurewho seemed to glitter all over with polished leather, and whose pale,straight-featured face was like a wax mask, stepped smartly through thedoorway. He motioned to the guards outside to bring in the prisonerthey were leading. The poet Ampleforth shambled into the cell. The doorclanged shut again.
Ampleforth made one or two uncertain movements from side toside, as though having some idea that there was another door to go outof, and then began to wander up and down the cell. He had not yetnoticed Winston’s presence. His troubled eyes were gazing at the wallabout a metre above the level of Winston’s head. He was shoeless;large, dirty toes were sticking out of the holes in his socks. He wasalso several days away from a shave. A scrubby beard covered his faceto the cheekbones, giving him an air of ruffianism that went oddly withhis large weak frame and nervous movements.
Winston roused hirnself a little from his lethargy. He mustspeak to Ampleforth, and risk the yell from the telescreen. It was evenconceivable that Ampleforth was the bearer of the razor blade.
‘Ampleforth,’ he said.
There was no yell from the telescreen. Ampleforth paused, mildly startled. His eyes focused themselves slowly on Winston.
‘Ah, Smith!’ he said. ‘You too!’
‘What are you in for?’
‘To tell you the truth—‘ He sat down awkwardly on the benchopposite Winston. ‘There is only one offence, is there not?’ he said.
‘And have you committed it?’
‘Apparently I have.’
He put a hand to his forehead and pressed his temples for a moment, as though trying to remember something.
‘These things happen,’ he began vaguely. ‘I have been able torecall one instance—a possible instance. It was an indiscretion,undoubtedly. We were producing a definitive edition of the poems ofKipling. I allowed the word “God” to remain at the end of a line. Icould not help it!’ he added almost indignantly, raising his face tolook at Winston. ‘It was impossible to change the line. The rhyme was“rod”. Do you realize that there are only twelve rhymes to “rod” in theentire language? For days I had racked my brains. There was no other rhyme.’
The expression on his face changed. The annoyance passed out of it andfor a moment he looked almost pleased. A sort of intellectual warmth,the joy of the pedant who has found out some useless fact, shonethrough the dirt and scrubby hair.
‘Has it ever occurred to you,’ he said, ‘that the whole historyof English poetry has been determined by the fact that the Englishlanguage lacks rhymes?’
No, that particular thought had never occurred to Winston. Nor,in the circumstances, did it strike him as very important orinteresting.
‘Do you know what time of day it is?’ he said.
Ampleforth looked startled again. ‘I had hardly thought aboutit. They arrested me—it could be two days ago—perhaps three.’ His eyesflitted round the walls, as though he half expected to find a windowsomewhere. ‘There is no difference between night and day in this place.I do not see how one can calculate the time.’
They talked desultorily for some minutes, then, withoutapparent reason, a yell from the telescreen bade them be silent.Winston sat quietly, his hands crossed. Ampleforth, too large to sit incomfort on the narrow bench, fidgeted from side to side, clasping hislank hands first round one knee, then round the other. The telescreenbarked at him to keep still. Time passed. Twenty minutes, an hour—itwas difficult to judge. Once more there was a sound of boots outside.Winston’s entrails contracted. Soon, very soon, perhaps in fiveminutes, perhaps now, the tramp of boots would mean that his own turnhad come.
The door opened. The cold-faced young officer stepped into the cell. With a brief movement of the hand he indicated Ampleforth.
‘Room 101,’ he said.
Ampleforth marched clumsily out between the guards, his face vaguely perturbed, but uncomprehending.
What seemed like a long time passed. The pain in Winston’s bellyhad revived. His mind sagged round and round on the same trick, like aball falling again and again into the same series of slots. He had onlysix thoughts. The pain in his belly; a piece of bread; the blood andthe screaming; O’Brien ; Julia; the razor blade. There was anotherspasm in his entrails, the heavy boots were approaching. As the dooropened, the wave of air that it created brought in a powerful smell ofcold sweat. Parsons walked into the cell. He was wearing khaki shortsand a sports-shirt.
This time Winston was startled into self-forgetfulness.
‘You here!’ he said.
Parsons gave Winston a glance in which there was neitherinterest nor surprise, but only misery. He began walking jerkily up anddown, evidently unable to keep still. Each time he straightened hispudgy knees it was apparent that they were trembling. His eyes had awide-open, staring look, as though he could not prevent himself fromgazing at something in the middle distance.
‘What are you in for?’ said Winston.
‘Thoughtcrime!’ said Parsons, almost blubbering. The tone of hisvoice implied at once a complete admission of his guilt and a sort ofincredulous horror that such a word could be applied to himself. Hepaused opposite Winston and began eagerly appealing to him: ‘You don’tthink they’ll shoot me, do you, old chap? They don’t shoot you if youhaven’t actually done anything—only thoughts, which you can’t help? Iknow they give you a fair hearing. Oh, I trust them for that! They’llknow my record, won’t they? You know what kind of chap I was. Not a badchap in my way. Not brainy, of course, but keen. I tried to do my bestfor the Party, didn’t I? I’ll get off with five years, don’t you think?Or even ten years? A chap like me could make himself pretty useful in alabour-camp. They wouldn’t shoot me for going off the rails just once?’
‘Are you guilty?’ said Winston.
‘Of course I’m guilty !’ cried Parsons with a servile glance atthe telescreen. ‘You don’t think the Party would arrest an innocentman, do you?’ His frog-like face grew calmer, and even took on aslightly sanctimonious expression. ‘Thoughtcrime is a dreadful thing,old man,’ he said sententiously. ‘It’s insidious. It can get hold ofyou without your even knowing it. Do you know how it got hold of me? Inmy sleep! Yes, that’s a fact. There I was, working away, trying to domy bit—never knew I had any bad stuff in my mind at all. And then Istarted talking in my sleep. Do you know what they heard me saying?’
He sank his voice, like someone who is obliged for medical reasons to utter an obscenity.
‘“Down with Big Brother!” Yes, I said that! Said it over andover again, it seems. Between you and me, old man, I’m glad they got mebefore it went any further. Do you know what I’m going to say to themwhen I go up before the tribunal? “Thank you,” I’m going to say, “thankyou for saving me before it was too late.”’
‘Who denounced you?’ said Winston.
‘It was my little daughter,’ said Parsons with a sort of dolefulpride. ‘She listened at the keyhole. Heard what I was saying, andnipped off to the patrols the very next day. Pretty smart for a nipperof seven, eh? I don’t bear her any grudge for it. In fact I’m proud ofher. It shows I brought her up in the right spirit, anyway.’
He made a few more jerky movements up and down, several times,casting a longing glance at the lavatory pan. Then he suddenly rippeddown his shorts.
‘Excuse me, old man,’ he said. ‘I can’t help it. It’s the waiting.’
He plumped his large posterior into the lavatory pan. Winston covered his face with his hands.
‘Smith!’ yelled the voice from the telescreen. ‘6079 Smith W! Uncover your face. No faces covered in the cells.’
Winston uncovered his face. Parsons used the lavatory, loudlyand abundantly. It then turned out that the plug was defective and thecell stank abominably for hours afterwards.
Parsons was removed. More prisoners came and went,mysteriously. One, a woman, was consigned to ‘Room 101’, and, Winstonnoticed, seemed to shrivel and turn a different colour when she heardthe words. A time came when, if it had been morning when he was broughthere, it would be afternoon; or if it had been afternoon, then it wouldbe midnight. There were six prisoners in the cell, men and women. Allsat very still. Opposite Winston there sat a man with a chinless,toothy face exactly like that of some large, harmless rodent. His fat,mottled cheeks were so pouched at the bottom that it was difficult notto believe that he had little stores of food tucked away there. Hispale-grey eyes flitted timorously from face to face and turned quicklyaway again when he caught anyone’s eye.
The door opened, and another prisoner was brought in whoseappearance sent a momentary chill through Winston. He was acommonplace, mean-looking man who might have been an engineer ortechnician of some kind. But what was startling was the emaciation ofhis face. It was like a skull. Because of its thinness the mouth andeyes looked disproportionately large, and the eyes seemed filled with amurderous, unappeasable hatred of somebody or something.
The man sat down on the bench at a little distance fromWinston. Winston did not look at him again, but the tormented,skull-like face was as vivid in his mind as though it had been straightin front of his eyes. Suddenly he realized what was the matter. The manwas dying of starvation. The same thought seemed to occur almostsimultaneously to everyone in the cell. There was a very faint stirringall the way round the bench. The eyes of the chinless man kept flittingtowards the skull-faced man, then turning guiltily away, then beingdragged back by an irresistible attraction. Presently he began tofidget on his seat. At last he stood up, waddled clumsily across thecell, dug down into the pocket of his overalls, and, with an abashedair, held out a grimy piece of bread to the skull-faced man.
There was a furious, deafening roar from the telescreen. Thechinless man jumped in his tracks. The skull-faced man had quicklythrust his hands behind his back, as though demonstrating to all theworld that he refused the gift.
‘Bumstead!’ roared the voice. ‘2713 Bumstead J.! Let fall that piece of bread!’
The chinless man dropped the piece of bread on the floor.
‘Remain standing where you are,’ said the voice. ‘Face the door. Make no movement.’
The chinless man obeyed. His large pouchy cheeks were quiveringuncontrollably. The door clanged open. As the young officer entered andstepped aside, there emerged from behind him a short stumpy guard withenormous arms and shoulders. He took his stand opposite the chinlessman, and then, at a signal from the officer, let free a frightful blow,with all the weight of his body behind it, full in the chinless man’smouth. The force of it seemed almost to knock him clear of the floor.His body was flung across the cell and fetched up against the base ofthe lavatory seat. For a moment he lay as though stunned, with darkblood oozing from his mouth and nose. A very faint whimpering orsqueaking, which seemed unconscious, came out of him. Then he rolledover and raised himself unsteadily on hands and knees. Amid a stream ofblood and saliva, the two halves of a dental plate fell out of hismouth.
The prisoners sat very still, their hands crossed on theirknees. The chinless man climbed back into his place. Down one side ofhis face the flesh was darkening. His mouth had swollen into ashapeless cherry-coloured mass with a black hole in the middle of it.
From time to time a little blood dripped on to the breast of hisoveralls. His grey eyes still flitted from face to face, more guiltilythan ever, as though he were trying to discover how much the othersdespised him for his humiliation.
The door opened. With a small gesture the officer indicated the skull-faced man.
‘Room 101,’ he said.
There was a gasp and a flurry at Winston’s side. The man had actuallyflung himself on his knees on the floor, with his hand claspedtogether.
‘Comrade! Officer!’ he cried. ‘You don’t have to take me tothat place! Haven’t I told you everything already? What else is it youwant to know? There’s nothing I wouldn’t confess, nothing! Just tell mewhat it is and I’ll confess straight off. Write it down and I’ll signit—anything! Not room 101 !’
‘Room 101,’ said the officer.
The man’s face, already very pale, turned a colour Winston wouldnot have believed possible. It was definitely, unmistakably, a shade ofgreen.
‘Do anything to me!’ he yelled. ‘You’ve been starving me forweeks. Finish it off and let me die. Shoot me. Hang me. Sentence me totwenty-five years. Is there somebody else you want me to give away?Just say who it is and I’ll tell you anything you want. I don’t carewho it is or what you do to them. I’ve got a wife and three children.The biggest of them isn’t six years old. You can take the whole lot ofthem and cut their throats in front of my eyes, and I’ll stand by andwatch it. But not Room 101!’
‘Room 101,’ said the officer.
The man looked frantically round at the other prisoners, asthough with some idea that he could put another victim in his ownplace. His eyes settled on the smashed face of the chinless man. Heflung out a lean arm.
‘That’s the one you ought to be taking, not me!’ he shouted.‘You didn’t hear what he was saying after they bashed his face. Give mea chance and I’ll tell you every word of it. He’sthe one that’s against the Party, not me.’ The guards stepped forward.The man’s voice rose to a shriek. ‘You didn’t hear him!’ he repeated.‘Something went wrong with the telescreen. He’s the one you want. Take him, not me!’
The two sturdy guards had stooped to take him by the arms. But just atthis moment he flung himself across the floor of the cell and grabbedone of the iron legs that supported the bench. He had set up a wordlesshowling, like an animal. The guards took hold of him to wrench himloose, but he clung on with astonishing strength. For perhaps twentyseconds they were hauling at him. The prisoners sat quiet, their handscrossed on their knees, looking straight in front of them. The howlingstopped; the man had no breath left for anything except hanging on.Then there was a different kind of cry. A kick from a guard’s boot hadbroken the fingers of one of his hands. They dragged him to his feet.
‘Room 101,’ said the officer.
The man was led out, walking unsteadily, with head sunken, nursing his crushed hand, all the fight had gone out of him.
A long time passed. If it had been midnight when the skull-facedman was taken away, it was morning: if morning, it was afternoon.Winston was alone, and had been alone for hours. The pain of sitting onthe narrow bench was such that often he got up and walked about,unreproved by the telescreen. The piece of bread still lay where thechinless man had dropped it. At the beginning it needed a hard effortnot to look at it, but presently hunger gave way to thirst. His mouthwas sticky and evil-tasting. The humming sound and the unvarying whitelight induced a sort of faintness, an empty feeling inside his head. Hewould get up because the ache in his bones was no longer bearable, andthen would sit down again almost at once because he was too dizzy tomake sure of staying on his feet. Whenever his physical sensations werea little under control the terror returned. Sometimes with a fadinghope he thought of O’Brien and the razor blade. It was thinkable thatthe razor blade might arrive concealed in his food, if he were everfed. More dimly he thought of Julia. Somewhere or other she wassuffering perhaps far worse than he. She might be screaming with painat this moment. He thought: ‘If I could save Julia by doubling my ownpain, would I do it? Yes, I would.’ But that was merely an intellectualdecision, taken because he knew that he ought to take it. He did notfeel it. In this place you could not feel anything, except pain andforeknowledge of pain. Besides, was it possible, when you were actuallysuffering it, to wish for any reason that your own pain shouldincrease? But that question was not answerable yet.
The boots were approaching again. The door opened. O’Brien came in.
Winston started to his feet. The shock of the sight had drivenall caution out of him. For the first time in many years he forgot thepresence of the telescreen.
‘They’ve got you too!’ he cried.
‘They got me a long time ago,’ said O’Brien with a mild, almostregretful irony. He stepped aside. from behind him there emerged abroad-chested guard with a long black truncheon in his hand.
‘You know him, Winston,’ said O’Brien. ‘Don’t deceive yourself. You did know it—you have always known it.’
Yes, he saw now, he had always known it. But there was no timeto think of that. All he had eyes for was the truncheon in the guard’shand. It might fall anywhere; on the crown, on the tip of the ear, onthe upper arm, on the elbow——
The elbow! He had slumped to his knees, almost paralysed,clasping the stricken elbow with his other hand. Everything hadexploded into yellow light. Inconceivable, inconceivable that one blowcould cause such pain! The light cleared and he could see the other twolooking down at him. The guard was laughing at his contortions. Onequestion at any rate was answered. Never, for any reason on earth,could you wish for an increase of pain. Of pain you could wish only onething: that it should stop. Nothing in the world was so bad as physicalpain. In the face of pain there are no heroes, no heroes, he thoughtover and over as he writhed on the floor, clutching uselessly at hisdisabled left arm.